Zakarid Armenia

Zakarid Armenia^[5][6] (Armenian: Զաքարյան Հայաստան, romanized: Zakaryan Hayastan) alternatively known as the Zakarid Period, describes a historical period in the Middle Ages during which the Armenian vassals of the Kingdom of Georgia were ruled by the Zakarid-Mkhargrzeli dynasty.^[7] The city of Ani was the capital of the princedom. The Zakarids were vassals to the Bagrationi dynasty in Georgia, but frequently acted independently^[8] and at times titled themselves as kings.^[9][10] In 1236, they fell under the rule of the Mongol Empire as a vassal state with local autonomy.

Zakarid Armenia Զաքարյան Հայաստան
1201–1350
Zakarid territories in the early 13th century[1][3]
Capital	Ani
Common languages	Armenian
Religion	Armenian Apostolic, Georgian Orthodox Church[4]
Government	Monarchy
Zakarids
Historical era	Middle Ages
• Established	1201
• Conquered by Chobanids	1350
Preceded by Succeeded by Shaddadids Ilkhanate Principality of Khachen

During the reign of George V and Bagrat V, the Zakarid territories once again reverted to the Kingdom of Georgia.^[11][12] The Zakarid dynasty continued to rule Ani until around 1350, when it was conquered and ravaged by the Chobanids.^[13]

Inception

Armenian historians of the 13th century Kirakos Gandzaketsi and Vardan the Great reported that Ivane's great grandfather "broke away from the Kurdish tribe of Babir", and established himself in northern Armenia.^[14][15] He then became a vassal and a possible relative of the Kjurikid dynasty of Armenian kings in the Tashir-Dzoraget region. He received a fortress and became a Christian of the Armenian Miaphysite Church.^[14]

Following the collapse of the Bagratuni dynasty of Armenia in 1045, Armenia was successively occupied by Byzantines and, following the Battle of Manzikert in 1071, by the Seljuks.^[16] Khosrov Zakarian, the first historically traceable member of the Zakarid family, moved from Armenia to southern Georgia during the Seljuk invasions in the early 11th century. Over the next hundred years, the Zakarids gradually gained prominence at the Georgian court, where they became known as Mkhargrdzeli (Long-shoulder) or in Armenian: Երկայնաբազուկ, (Yerkaynabazuk). A family legend says that this name was a reference to their Achaemenid ancestor Artaxerxes II the "Longarmed" (404–358 BC).^[17][18]

During the 12th century, the Bagratids of Georgia enjoyed a resurgence in power, and managed to expand into Seljuk-occupied Armenia.^[19] The former Armenian capital Ani would be captured five times between 1124 and 1209.^[20] Under King George III of Georgia, Sargis Zakarian was appointed as governor of Ani in 1161. In 1177, the Zakarids supported the monarchy against the insurgents during the rebellion of Prince Demna and the Orbeli family. The uprising was suppressed, and George III persecuted his opponents and elevated the Zakarids.

Zakare and Ivane

Zakare II and Ivane I on the east facade at Harichavank, Armenia, 1201.^[21] They wear the contemporary costume, with tall sharbush hat and kaftans.^[22]

Despite some complications in the reign of George III, the successes continued in the reign of the Queen Tamar.^[19] This was chiefly due to the Armenian generals Zakare and Ivane.^[23][24] Around the year 1199, they retook the city of Ani.^[19] Zakare and Ivane commanded the Georgian-Armenian armies for almost three decades, achieving major victories at Shamkor in 1195 and Basian in 1203 and leading raids into northern Persia in 1210.

The two brothers, together with the Alanian David Soslan managed to put Georgia back on a winning track.^[25] Because of their successes, Zakare and Ivane reached the heights of the Georgian army and court.^[26] Queen Tamar gave them the status of nakharar feudal lords, who took the name "Zak'arians", in honor of Zak'are. She gave them control of almost all her Armenian territories, with Ani as capital.^[26][19][27] In an inscription in Zakare's church in Ani, the brothers are called "Kings of Armenia".^[28]

Still, Ivane and Zakare encountered animosity in some quarters because of their religious affiliation to Armenian Miaphysitism, rather than the Chalcedonian faith of the Georgians.^[29] The younger brother Ivane eventually converted, allowing the two brothers to adroitely bridge the religious spectrum in Georgia, Ivane commanding Georgian troops while Zakare commanded Armenian ones.^[29] Conflicts regarding devotional practices still erupted between the two armies, hampering coordinated operations, as in a military campaign 1204.^[30] A synod had to be convened at the highest level, and the Armenians agreed to harmonize some practices.^[31]

Consolidation of Armenian rule (1201–1239)

Approximate Zakarid territory   within the Kingdom of Georgia  , circa 1210

Around the year 1199, a Georgian army under Zakare's command took the city of Ani from Shadaddid control, and in 1201, Tamar gave it to him as a fief.^[32][33] Thereafter, Zakarids maintained high degree of autonomy and often acted independently.^[9] The volume of trade seems to have increased in the early 13th century, and under the Zakarid princes the city prospered, at least until the area was occupied by the Mongols in 1237. The Zakarians amassed a great fortune, governing all of northern Armenia. Zakare and his descendants ruled in northwestern Armenia with Ani as their capital, while Ivane and his offspring ruled eastern Armenia, including the city of Dvin. Eventually, their territories came to resemble those of Bagratid Armenia.^[16] They maintained a high level of local autonomy, acting as an Armenian state with the right to court and collect taxes, while under nominal Georgian suzerainty.^[8][34] While they were vassals of the Georgian king, the Zakarids often acted independently and established their own political and tax systems. Their allegiance to the Georgian kings was mostly confined to providing the kings with military assistance during times of war.^[8] In their capital city of Ani, they named themselves the “Kings of Ani” exemplifying their independent ambitions from the Kings of Georgia.^[10] The Zakarid had their own vassals, including the Orbelians and Vachutians, and also had the ability to establish their own nakharar feudal vassals, often selected from the ranks of their best general, as in the case of the Proshian clan.^[26][35] They adopted "the trappings of both Christian and Muslim royal power", as shown in their adoption of the title "Shahanshah" (king of kings) for their names and titles.^[36] In the dedicatory inscription of Tigran Honents, the Zakarians are referred to as the only "overlords", and the "powerful masters of the universe".^[36][37]

• 
  Contemporary Armenian costume, with tall sharbush hat and kaftans, in the Haghbat Gospel (1211).^[38]
• 
  Khachqar cross of Grigor Khaghbakian, now near Etchmiadzin Cathedral (1233).^[39]
• 
  "Entry into Jerusalem", Haghpat Gospel created in Horomos near Ani in 1211.^[40] Jesus is actually shown entering the gates of Horomos Monastery.^[41]
• 
  Zakarid gavit room, in Geghard Monastery, 1215-1225.

Religion

Deesis on the Khachqar of the Zakarid Prince Grigor Khaghbakian, dated 1233.^[42]

The reconquered regions of historical Armenia had mixed confessional identities, with Armenians being mainly Miaphysites, and Georgians and Greeks mainly Chalcedonian Christians, and relations were often conflictual.^[4] But the boundaries were moveable: Ivane I Zakarian had converted to Chalcedonism in the early 13th century, and a significant number of Armenians had followed him, voluntarily or not.^[4]

The Zakarids seem to have promoted a level of ambiguity between the two faiths, and voluntarily mixed elements from both, minimizing differences, possibly as a political expedient helping them better rule their realm.^[43] In the church St Gregory of Tigran Honents, dedicated in 1215 in Ani, the combination of scenes with the myths of the evangelists of Armenia and Georgia might suggest a conflation of Armenian Miaphysite and Georgian Chalcedonian rites.^[4] The Zakarids are also known for their efforts at church councils to bring together the Miaphysite and Chalcedonian faiths, especially in respect to their outward expression, such as rites and the usage of icones.^[44][43]

Building activity

The Zakarids, under Georgian overlordship since 1199-1200, were active builders of religious monuments, such as the church of St Gregory of Tigran Honents, built in 1215 in Ani, or the Church of Kizkale.^[45] The donators of St Gregory of Tigran Honents were identified as Armenian Miaphysites in their inscriptions, but on the other hand the artistic program rather reflected the Chalcedonian faith, suggesting that the church may have belonged to a Chalcedonian community of Armenians, who had chosen to adopt Georgian styles and practices.^[46] Alternatively, this church may have served a larger community of both Armenians and Georgians,^[47] or may have served as an example of the unification of Miaphysite and Chalcedonian faiths, at least in their outward expression, as often desired by Zakarid rulers.^[44][43]

• 
  Zakarid church of St Gregory of Tigran Honents, Ani, 1215.^[45]
• 
  Amberd castle was conquered from the Seljuq Turks in 1197 by Zakare Zakarian, and reinforced under the Zakarians thereafter.
• 
  Zakare's church built in Ani by Zakare II Zakarian circa 1200
• 
  The cathedral of Harichavank was built by Zakare II Zakarian

Monumental religious paintings

The frescoes of Akhtala Monastery, in Armenian-Chalcedonian style, were commissioned by Ivane Zakarian in 1205-1216.^[48]

Christening of Armenian king Tiridates III (c.250–330). Zakarid church of St Gregory of Tigran Honents, Ani, 1215.^[45][49]

Armenia relatively lacked a tradition of monumental painting before the 13th century.^[50] Wall paintings were not banned in Armenia, but were rare, and sources show suspicion towards a practice that was considered "Georgian" or "Byzantine", and bordering on the heretical.^[51]

The development of monumental religious painting in Armenia in the 13th century was probably related to the efforts made by the Zakarids in bridging differences between "Armenian" Miaphysitism and "Georgian" Chalcedonism, possibly as a political expedient helping them better rule their realm.^[43] Zakare II Zakarian convened a synod at the highest level, with Levon (r.1187-1219) King of Cilician Armenia and his Catholicos, so that Miaphysites would converge with Chalcedonians in the rites and expression of their faith.^[52] In particular, the synod acknowledged that "icons of the Savior and all the saints should be accepted, and not despised as though they were pagan images", opening the way for the creation of monumental religious paintings such as those seen at Ani.^[52][53]

The Zakarids then sponsored a large program of monumental pictorial art, blending Byzantine, Armenian and Georgian traditions.^[54] The beautiful murals of Akhtala Monastery, commissioned by Ivane I Zakarian in 1205-1216, are an example of Armenian-Chalcedonian art, blending Byzantine, Armenian and Georgian styles, and inscribed in Georgian, Greek and Armenian.^[55]

Few paintings are found in the remains of the Zakarid capital of Ani, and the earliest known ones are those of St Gregory of Tigran Honents, dating to c. 1215.^[56] These paintings, exclusively labelled in Georgian and Greek, may have belonged to a Georgian artistic tradition, as suggested by style, technique (intense blue backgrounds), and iconographical details.^[56] The paintings are focused on the main feasts of the Chalcedonian Church.^[57] Still, various characteristics and iconographical details are decidedly Armenian and relate to Miaphysitism.^[58] There is a possibility that Georgian artists were hired in order to accomplish such pictorial programs, although Byzantines and Armenians are also known to have been involved.^[50][59] The signatures of the artists found beneath the paintings of some of the main figures at Akhtala Monastery have been found to be in Armenian and Greek.^[60]

Mongol and Kipchak invasions

Zakarid Prince Grigor Khaghbakian on horse, in his khatchkar (1233).^[39][61]

In 1220, according to the 13th century Armenian historian Kirakos Gandzaketsi, started the first Mongol incursions under Subutai, part of the Mongol invasions of Georgia. This first wave was only composed of 3 tümen (30,000 men), and was actually on a search for the fugitive Khwarizmian ruler Muhammad II of Khwarazm.^[62] The Zakarids served under the Georgian king George IV of Georgia to repulse them, with Ivane I Zakarian acting as atabeg (Governor General) and Amirspasalar (Commander-in-chief), their army only half the size of the Mongol one.^[63] The Georgiand and Armenians were defeated, but the Mongol retreated with heavy losses.^[62] The Mongols came back the following year, but were blocked on the road to Tbilissi by an army of 70,000.^[62] The Mongols again won, but retreated to Tabriz.^[62] A third encounter the same year virtually annihilated the Georgian army, and the Mongols continued north to confront the Kipchaks at far as Soldaia, and the Rus' Principalities at the Battle of the Kalka River.^[64] Before dying, George IV made an alliance with the Sultanate of Rum, by marrying his sister Rusudan to Ghias ad-Din, son of the emir of Erzurum.^[64]

In 1222, the Kipchaks, fleeing from Mongol devastation, came to the Armenian city of Gandzak, where they encountered the troops of the atabeg Ivane Zakarian, who were again defeated.^[65][66][67] Although the Georgians ultimately prevailed in 1223, the Zakarian Prince Grigor Khaghbakian was captured and tortured to death by the Kipchak Turks.^[66]

When the Khwarazmians under Jalal al-Din Mangburni invaded the region in 1226-1230, Dvin was ruled by the aging Ivane, who had given Ani to his nephew Shahnshah, son of Zakare. Dvin was lost, but Kars and Ani did not surrender.^[19]

The Mongols led a major offensive in 1238-39, and took Ani in 1239. They obtained the submission of the Zakarids and left them in place in their regions.^[19] They confirmed Shanshe in his fief, and even added to it the fief of Avag, son of Ivane. Further, in 1243, they gave Akhlat to the princess T’amt’a, daughter of Ivane.^[19]

Mongol suzerainty (1239–1357)

The Mongols under General Chormaqan conquered the whole of historical Armenia and Georgia in 1238-39, leading to the submission of the Kingdom of Georgia in the 1239 treaty. Three Mongols campaigns took place altogether from 1239 to 1244: capture of Ani and Kars in 1239, Karin in 1242, and defeat of the Seljuk Sultan in 1243-44 with the major Battle of Köse Dağ.^[68] After the Mongols captured Ani, the Zakarids ruled not as vassals of the Bagratids, but rather as vassals of the Mongols, under the governorships of Arghun Aqa.^[16] Still, while under Mongol control, the Zakarids maintained nominal suzerainty to the Georgian, who were themselves tributaries of the Mongols.^[45]

The Zakarids   were effectively part of the Mongol Il-Khanate, after 1256. Their new vassals the Proshyans   also had arisen.^[69]

Between 1236 and 1256, before the creation of the Il-Khanate, Caucasia was placed under the military governorship of Chormaqan, and divided into 5 vilayets (provinces): Georgia (Gurjistan), Greater Armenia, Shirvan, Arran, and Mughan, with Armenian principalities becoming fragmented and essentially independent.^[70] After 1256, Armenia was directly incorporated into the Il-Khanate founded by Hulegu, and again under the Jalayirid and Chobanids Mongol successors, until Tamerlane brought a whole new era of devastation.^[69][45]

The Proshyan dynasty was a family of the Armenian nobility, under Zakarid Armenia during the 13th–14th century CE. They too prospered as allies of the Mongols, as did the Zakarids and Orbelians.^[71] They benefited from trade routes to China under the control of the Mongols, and built many magnificent churches and monasteries.^[71] The later kings of Zakarids continued their control over Ani until the 1360, when they lost to the Kara Koyunlu Turkoman tribes, who made Ani their capital.^[16]

Mongol rule was considered as particularly harsh, as described by a 1292 Armenian colophon:^[72]

This book was written in the Armenian calendar year 741 (1292), under the rule of the oppressor, of strange appearance and ruthless, which is called Tatar, of the impious race of Cathay, who invaded the whole world because of our sins. And they are so ruthless and cruel that brother kills brother and father kills son, but God's punishment will come.

— Colophon of Xalbakeank.^[72]

Taxes and revolts

Stone charter of the Il-Khanate for tax purposes, in the Armenian language. Church of the Holy Apostles, Ani, after 1260.^[73][74]

From 1236 to 1250, the Mongols essentially left Armenian governing structures in place. They initially satisfied themselves with plunder and booty from vanquished areas, but from 1243 Guyuk Khan ordered the introduction of permanent formal taxes, consisting in a general tax of 1/13th to 1/10th on every property, and a large head tax of 60 silver drams spitaks (aspers) per male.^[66] According to the History of the Nation of the Archers, if a man could not pay, he was beaten, and given alive to the dogs.^[75] During the rule of the Il-Khanate under Hulegu (r. 1256–1265), taxes were further increased:^[75]

Hulegu commanded that the tax called taghar be collected from each individual listed in the royal register. From such he demanded 100 litrs of grain, 50 litrs of wine, 2 litrs of rice and [of] husks 3 sacks, 1 spitak [silver coin], 1 arrow, to say nothing of the bribes; and of 20 animals they demanded, plus 20 spitaks. From those who could not pay they took their sons and daughters as payment.

— Kirakos Gandzaketsi, History of Armenia, 182.^[75]

Since 1251, the Catholicos of Armenian Cilicia Kostandin (1221–1267) had requested the nobles of Greater Armenia to avoid rebellion against the Mongols, in order to help Hethum I obtain diplomatic support from the Mongols against the Mamluks and Seljuks. But a new Mongol tax, called qubchur, forced nobles to mortgage their estates, triggering a revolt of the nobles in 1259-1260, to which Arghun Aqa responded by a virulent military operation. The Georgian Princess Gontsa and the Armenian Prince Zakare were executed, and his father Shahnshah freed for a ramson.^[76]

From around 1260, the Il-Khanate inscribed in stone and displayed Imperial decrees in their new territory of Armenia. Several examples have been found at the Church of the Holy Apostles in the capital Ani, inscribed on pilar or walls. These were official announcements, often yarlighs (imperial decrees), using the formulation "[In the name of] the Ilkhan", with the aim of announcing or regulating taxes and import duties.^[73] These inscriptions used the Armenian language, but the format and even some of the terminology were Mongol.^[73]

Political autonomy

Probable depictions of Shahnshah Zakarian (center), his wife Vaneni (left), and a kindred in military uniform (right), as donators at the Kobayr Monastery, Chapel-Aisle, 1282.^[77]

Following the Mongol conquest in 1236, Georgia and the Zakarid principality were organized into a province broken down into 8 administrative units (tumans). 5 of the tumans were Georgian while the remaining 3, composed of the Zakarid principality in Kars and Ani, as well as, the Awagids in Syunik and Artsakh, were Armenian.^[78] From 1236 to 1246, the Mongols did not interfere with the governing structure of the Zakarid state and appointed the Zakarids as heads of the tumans.^[78] While Zakarid Armenia was a vassal state of the Mongols and therefore subject to taxes and loyalty to the Khan, they were otherwise left to govern themselves and had relative autonomy during this period.^[79]

Throughout the 13th century, the high offices Atabeg (Governor General) and Amirspasalar (Commander-in-Chief of the Georgian army) had been held by the Zakarids, but following the Mongol invasions of Georgia the Mongol victors gave these offices to the "renegade" Sadun of Mankaberd in 1272.^[80] When Abaqa became the new Mongol ruler, Sadun received from the title of Atabeg Amirspasalar for the Georgian Bagratid Kingdom.^[81][82]

Warfare

Georgian-Amenian soldiers^{[citation needed]} in uniform, Kobayr Monastery, 1270s

Detail of mural, Dadivank, 1290-1305.

The Armenians had to participate to most of the campaigns of the Mongols. They participated to the Siege of Baghdad in 1258. In 1259-1260, Shahnshah Zakarian participated to the Mongold-led Siege of Mayyāfāriqīn, together with the Armenian Prince Prosh Khaghbakian.^[83] The reduced Kingdom of Georgia (1256–1329) also under Mongol control, participated to most of these campaigns as well.^[84]

In 1265, Armenian and Georgian troops participated to the conflict between the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanate, ultimately defeating Berke in Shirvan.^[85]

In 1284, Georgian and Armenian troops had to participate in the dynastic conflict between the Il-Khanate ruler Tekuder and Arghun, with troops under the Vicery of Georgia Alinaq Noyan and under Tekuder himself.^[86]

Monastic sponsorship

Under Mongol rule, Armenia enjoyed relative political stability and prosperity from the end of the 13th century to the early 14th century.^[87] The Armenians enjoyed a favorable relationship with the Mongol ruler Arghun, whom they had supported in his dynastic struggle against Tekuder: as a result Arghun supported Armenian nobles, and in particular the church, and exempted 150 monasteries from taxes.^[88]

In particular, the Syunik Province became a center of intellectual, literary and artistic creativity.^[87] Monastic institions grew under the patronage of the Proshians and the Orbelians, who built numerous monasteries and provided them with various financial ressources.^[87] Smbat Orbelian (1249/50-73) had obtained from Möngke Khan that monastic properties which had been seized should be returned, and that they would be free from taxation.^[87] This tax-exempt status, contrasting with the generally heavy taxation of private property under the Mongols, encouraged nobility to transfer part of their wealth for safeguarding to monastic institutions, either temporarily or permanently, all of this secured by Mongol edicts.^[87] In some cases, members of the nobility could become abbots, so as to secure the direct ownership and management of these eclesiastical ressources.^[87] Some of the main monastic holdings were in the monasteries of Kecharuyk and Geghard, Aghjots Vank or the Tanahat Monastery (1273–1279).^[87] From this period, the Church of Areni was built in 1321 by Bishop Yovhannes Orbelian under the artistic supervisation of Momik, while the church of Spitakavor Monastery was built in 1321 by the Proshyan family.^[89]

• 
  Zakarid rock-cut church, Geghard, circa 1240.
• 
  Mausoleum of Prince Prosh Khaghbakian (1283) in Geghard monastery.^[90][91]
• 
  Spitakavor Monastery, built in 1321 by the Proshyan family
• 
  Reliquary of the Holy Cross of the Vegetarians (Khotakerats), dedicated in 1300 by Prince Eacchi Proshian

Clothing styles and depictions

Armenian Prince Eacch'i Proshian wearing a Mongol-style dress (cloud collar and Mongol hat), c. 1300 on the Reliquary of the "Holy Cross of the Vegetarians",^[92][93] and his son Amir Hasan II (letters ԱՄՐ ՀՍ "AMR HS") hunting on horseback in Mongol attire, Church of the White Virgin (completed 1321). History Museum of Armenia, Yerevan.^[94]

A few depictions of Armenians under Mongol rule are known, as in the Spitakavor Monastery, which was built by two princes from the Zakarid Proshian dynasty in 1318-1321, the father Eachi and his son Amir Hasan.^[95][96][97] The construction of the church was begun by Prince Eachi Proshian (died in 1318) (a grandson of Prosh Khaghbakian), and completed in 1321 by his son Prince Amir Hasan II.^[95][96] Eachi Proshian (-1318) is depicted in one reliefs from Spitakavor, and on a golden reliquary, he which he shown holding his hands up in prayer, and wearing a Mongol-style dress (cloud collar).^[93]

Also from the Monastery, a relief represents a young rider in princely attire with a bow, with the letters ԱՄՐ ՀՍ (AMR HS), indicating Prince Amir Hasan II of the Proshians, son of Eachi Proshian, who completed the church his father had started. The relief is dated to 1320–1322, date the church was completed.^[98][99] In these depictions, the Proshyans wear close-fitting clothing with an ornate belt and tall hats, and have round cheeks and almond-shaped eyes in a style characteristic of Mongol-era Armenia.^[100] Riding a horse, Prince Amir Hasan wears a close-fitting tunic and a three-pointed hat with two ribbons, characteristic of 14th century Mongol nobility, and his facial features are similar to those of the Mongols.^[94] Prince Eacchi Proshian on his reliquary, dated circa 1300, is shown wearing a Mongol-style royal dress (cloud collar).^[93]

Inscriptions

Inscription by Agbugha I, son of Shahnshah I Zakarian, on the façade of the Church of the Holy Apostles in Ani, 1253-1276.^[101]

1291 inscription at Garni Temple by Princess Khoshak Zakarian, widow of Shams al-Din Juvayni.^[102]

The Zakarids are known from quite a few inscriptions over Armenia, especially in monasteries, and particularly at Ani, the Armenian capital. Some of their important inscriptions include:

• A 1200 inscription on the Church of Saint Elia at Ani reports its building by Zakare II Zakarian, amirspasalar (Commander-in-Chief of the Georgian army), at the time of Queen Tamar (ruled 1184–1213):^[103]
• A 1253-1276 inscription by Agbugha I, son of Shahnshah I lamenting about high taxes in Ani. Church of the Holy Apostles.^[101]
• A 1291 inscription at Garni Temple by Princess Khoshak Zakarian, widow of Shams al-Din Juvayni, and back from living 15 years in Persia.^[102][104]
• A 1303 inscription by Agbugha II, son of Ivane II, lamenting about the high level of taxes, and announcing the cancellation of several of them. Church of the Holy Apostles.^[105]
• A 1320 inscription by Princess Kuandze, wife of Shahnshah II Zakarian, lamenting the death of her husband, and announcing the lifting of taxes. Church of the Holy Apostles:^[106]

In 769 (ie 1320), by the mercy of God, I Khuandze, wife of Atabek Shahnshah (II) who died in this year, and caused us and our eastern country a great affliction, me, his wife, daughter of Chamchadin Sahip-Divan and of the Baroness Khorichah, (great-) granddaughter of the Atabek Ivane (I), as well as my son Zacharia (IV), for the salvation of the soul of the master and for the longevity of my brothers, we have waived in our heritage town of Ani the right to the counting of cows and donkeys, as well as on large and small entry permits. Anyone who attempts to put an obstacle to our dispositions, whether he is Armenian, Georgian or Mongolian, may he be judged and condemned by God, may he share the fate of Satan and may he be his co-inhabitant of the gehenna; let the Georgian be excommunicated and cursed; the Mongol be covered with shame and guilt before the prophets glorified in God; but may those who observe our provisions until the end of the world be blessed by Almighty God. Let anyone who opposes it be anathema, like Judas and like Cain. These favors and this charity were established under the government of Baron Lip. Ptough the scribe.

— Inscription of Princess Kuandze at the Church of the Holy Apostles at Ani, 1320.^[106]

References

1. Bournoutian 1993, p. 137, Map 18.
2. Eastmond, Antony (20 April 2017). Tamta's World. Cambridge University Press. p. Map 2. ISBN 978-1-107-16756-8.
3. Eastmond, Antony (20 April 2017). Tamta's World. Cambridge University Press. p. Map 2. ISBN 978-1-107-16756-8.
4. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 735–736. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. The mixed confessional identities of the population of Ani and its surrounding region led to rising tensions. There are numerous references to disputes arising between the two communities on matters including taxation and liturgical/worship practice. The division was matched by a split within the Zakarid family itself. Zakare and Ivane were brought up to adhere to Armenian, Miaphysite Orthodoxy, but in the first years of the thirteenth century Ivane converted to Georgian, Chalcedonian Orthodoxy. According to the Georgian sources many Armenians joined him in converting. Ivane also forcibly converted some Armenian Miaphysite churches to Chalcedonianism, notably the monastery of Akhtala, where he built his mausoleum church. Ivane's conversion is, unsurprisingly, celebrated in Georgian texts and condemned in Armenian chronicles, which ascribed it to political or religious causes (or to Ivane's infatuation with Queen Tamar).
5. Dashdondog 2010, pp. 103, 106, 109, 114.
6. Šahnazaryan, Armen (2011). Zakaryan, Anushavan (ed.). "Zakarid Armenia in the First Era of the Ilkhanate". Patma-Banasirakan Handes (in Armenian) (1). Armenia: Armenian National Academy of Sciences: 129–140. ISSN 0135-0536.
7. Chahin, Mack (2001). The Kingdom of Armenia: A History (2. rev. ed.). Richmond: Curzon. p. 235. ISBN 0700714529. The most influential lords of north-eastern Armenia were members of the Zakarian family. Hence, the first half of the thirteenth century is known as the Zakarid Period...Although of Armenian foundation, members of that family held eminent positions among the Georgian lords.
8. Grekov, Boris, ed. (1953). Очерки истории СССР. Период феодализма IX-XV вв.: В 2 ч. [Essays on the history of the USSR. The period of feudalism IX-XV centuries: In 2 volumes]. Moscow: Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union. OCLC 8470090. …the political power of the Zakarids was formed and strengthened, heading the restored Armenian statehood in indigenous Armenia. The territory subject to the Zakarids was an Armenian state, vassal to the then reigning house of the Georgian Bagratids; The Zakharid government had the right to court and collect taxes. The main responsibility of the Armenian government to the Georgian government was to provide it with military militia during the war.
9. Strayer, Joseph (1982). Dictionary of the Middle Ages. Vol. 1. p. 485. The degree of Armenian dependence on Georgia during this period is still the subject of considerable controversy. The numerous Zak'arid inscriptions leave no doubt that they considered themselves Armenians, and they often acted independently.
10. Eastmond, Antony (2017). Tamta's World. Cambridge University Press. p. 26. In one inscription on the palace church on the citadel of Ani, the brothers' principal city and the former capital of Armenia, they refer to themselves as 'the kings of Ani', suggesting loftier ambitions, independent of Georgia, and in the inscription at Haghartsin quoted in the first chapter, they claimed descent from the Bagratunis, the Armenian kings of the region until the eleventh century.
11. W. Barthold, ' Die persische Inschrift an der Mauer der Manucehr-Moschee zu Ani ', trans. and edit. W. Hinz, ZDMG, Bd. 101, 1951, 246;
12. Ivane Javakhishvili, The History of the Georgian Nation, vol. 3, Tbilisi, 1982, p.179
13. Dadoyan 2018, p. 432 “Ani oscillated between being ruled by Georgians, Shaddädids and Seljugs, all equally violent, until the rise of the Georgian-Armenian Zakarid dynasty at Shirak (1201-C. 1350).”.
14. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. p. 14. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365. Kuirakos Gandzaketsi and Vardan the Great recount the origins of the Zakharid dynasty, one branch of which bore the name Mkhargrdzeli or Long Arm. It is clear from the accounts of these Armenian historians that Ivane's great grandfather "broke away from the Kurdish tribe of Babir" and settled in northern Armenia. There he became the vassal of the Kjurikid dynasty of Armenian kings which ruled Tashir Dzoraget from the 10th to the early 12th centuries. He was given a fortress and became a Christian of the Armenian Miaphysite Church. The first Zakharids may well have been related to the Kjurikids. In an inscription at the Aghartsin Monastery Zakare and Ivane refer to a tie of kinship with this Armenian branch of the Bagratids. After the decline of the Kjurikid state in the 12th century, the Zakharids went to serve the kings of Georgia in whose name they ruled part of the Armenian territories. In 1177 their position at the Georgian court was considerably strengthened when Sarkis Mkhargrdzeli went over to King George Ill's side during a revolt of his feudal lords.
15. Account by Kirakos Gandzaketsi: "Kirakos Ganjakets'i's History of the Armenians, Armenian, Iranian, Byzantine, Georgian, Aghuan, Aghuania, Arab, Mongol, History, Gandzak, Medieval 13th Century Armenian Historian". www.attalus.org. 4. Concerning the princes in eastern Armenia, Zak'are and his brother Iwane. During the reign of Lewon, king of the Armenians, in the East there were two brothers, sons of the pious prince Sargis, son of Vahram, son of Zak'aria, who had separated from the Kurds of the Babirakan xel. The name of the first son was Zak'are and the second was Iwane—brave men, rich in authority, honored by the queen of Georgia named T'amar who was the daughter of Georg the brave, son of Demetre.
16. Sim, Steven. "The City of Ani: A Very Brief History". VirtualANI. Retrieved 2007-07-15.
17. Armenian Soviet Encyclopedia, 3th^{[clarification needed]} volume
18. Paul Adalian, Rouben (2010). Historical Dictionary of Armenia. p. 83.
19. Minorsky, Vladimir (1953). Studies in Caucasian History. New York: Taylor's Foreign Press. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-0-521-05735-6.
20. Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911), "Ani" , Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. 2 (11th ed.), Cambridge University Press, p. 47
21. Eastmond, Antony (20 April 2017). Tamta's World. Cambridge University Press. p. 51. ISBN 978-1-107-16756-8. Zakare and Ivane Mqargrdzeli on the east facade at Harichavank, Armenia, 1201
22. Eastmond, Antony (2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 52–53, Fig.17. doi:10.1017/9781316711774. ISBN 9781316711774. At Harichavank the clothes have been updated to reflect contemporary fashion, with its sharbushes (the high, peaked hats) and bright kaftans, as can be seen when comparing the image with those in contemporary manuscripts, such as the Haghbat Gospels (Matenadaran 6288) of 1211 [Fig. 17].
23. "The Yezidi Kurds and Assyrians of Georgia - The Problem of Diasporas and Integration into Contemporary Society" (PDF). Retrieved 2023-08-26.
24. Suny 1994, p. 39.
25. Baumer 2024, p. 23.
26. Mathews, Thomas F .; Taylor, Alice (2001). THE ARMENIAN GOSPEL S OF GLADZOR THE LIFE OF CHRIST ILLUMINATED (PDF). The J. Paul Getty Museum Los Angeles. p. 22. ISBN 0892366265. The Armenian brothers Ivane and Zak'are served the Georgian Queen Tamar (reigned 1184-1213). Rising to the heights of the Georgian army and court, they achieved for themselves the status of a nakharar family, called the Zak'arians, in honor of Zak'are. Queen T'amar gave the Zak'arians control of almost all her Armenian territories, including the former Armenian capital Ani. The Zak'arians established their own vassals, comprising both surviving nakharars and new men — from among their own Armenian generals — raised to nakharar status, each with smaller territories as their own fiefs. Among the new nakharars was the Proshian clan, who were particularly important for the history of the Gladzor Gospels.
27. Dadoyan 2018, p. 438.
28. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. p. 15. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365. Another inscription in Zakare's church in the town of Ani, which was reconquered in 1199 and regained the status of the capital of Armenia, calls the brothers "kings of Armenia".
29. Baumer 2024, p. 23-24.
30. Baumer 2024, p. 24.
31. Baumer 2024, p. 24-25.
32. Minorsky, V. (1953). Studies in Caucasian History. CUP Archive. pp. 102–103. ISBN 0-521-05735-3.
33. Lordkipanidze, Mariam (1987). Georgia in the XI-XII Centuries. Tbilisi: Genatleba. p. 150.
34. Thomson, Robert (2014). "From Theology to Law: Creating an Armenian Secular Law Code". In Pirie, Fernanda; Scheele, Judith (eds.). Legalism: Community and Justice. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 25–46. ISBN 9780191785108. The region at the time was under Georgian suzerainty, but the Zakarid princes, Zakaré and Ivané, maintained local Armenian independence.
35. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. p. 15. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365.
36. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 734. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. The reconquest of Ani in 1199 by Zakare and Ivane revived the fortunes of the city and its surrounding region, but it placed it in a new political and cultural context. (...) However, other evidence suggests that this hierarchical structure may well have been purely nominal, leaving the brothers effectively as independent rulers of the region. Their subjects, such as Tigran Honents, refer to them alone as overlords, and the adoption of Shahanshah (king of kings) as both a name and title for their children demonstrates their appropriation of the trappings of both Christian and Muslim royal power. It has been argued, correctly I believe, that the Zakarids were trying to re-create the Armenian Bagratid kingdom of Ani of the tenth and eleventh centuries.
37. Palakʻean, Grigoris (2019). The Ruins of Ani: A Journey to Armenia's Medieval Capital and Its Legacy. Rutgers University Press. pp. 43–44. ISBN 978-1-9788-0291-9.
38. Eastmond, Antony (2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 52–53, Fig.17. doi:10.1017/9781316711774. ISBN 9781316711774. At Harichavank the clothes have been updated to reflect contemporary fashion, with its sharbushes (the high, peaked hats) and bright kaftans, as can be seen when comparing the image with those in contemporary manuscripts, such as the Haghbat Gospels (Matenadaran 6288) of 1211 [Fig. 17].
39. Donabédian, Patrick. "Le khatchkar, un art emblématique de la spécificité arménienne". L'Église arménienne entre Grecs et Latins fin XIe – milieu XVe siècle. pp. 8–9, 15 Figure 10. Outre ces figurations, à partir du début du XIIIe siècle, une autre représentation humaine apparaît, soit sous la croix, soit sur le piédestal du khatchkar : l'image du donateur, ou plus exactement du défunt à la mémoire duquel le khatchkar a été érigé. Ce personnage est représenté en tenue d'apparat, armé et à cheval, rappelant le schéma iconographique sassanide de la chasse royale ou princière que l'architecture arménienne pratiquait depuis la période paléochrétienne.
40. Maranci, Christina (14 September 2018). The Art of Armenia: An Introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 155. ISBN 978-0-19-093588-7.
41. Baumer, Christoph (5 October 2023). History of the Caucasus: Volume 2: In the Shadow of Great Powers. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 23. ISBN 978-0-7556-3630-3.
42. Donabédian, Patrick. "Le khatchkar, un art emblématique de la spécificité arménienne". L'Église arménienne entre Grecs et Latins fin XIe – milieu XVe siècle. pp. 8–9, 15 Figure 10.
43. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 739. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. It is perhaps more useful to view the paintings in a more ambiguous way. The importance of the church may lie in the inability to ascribe it easily to one group. Such an approach would match the cultural and political policies of the Zakarids. The conversion of Ivane but not Zakare to Chalcedonianism was part of a pragmatic policy of deliberate religious ambiguity that enabled the brothers to avoid being drawn into factional battles between the two religious communities under their rule. It was implemented in a different way by Zakare, who attempted to reform the Armenian church after witnessing disputes between Georgian and Armenian troops under his command. His proposals were considered and agreed to at a church council at Sis, convened by Levon, the Armenian king in Cilicia, and his catholicos, Dawit. The eight demands concern only the outward expression of faith and technical and procedural points; none deals with matters of theology or dogma, the theoretical roots of the differences between the churches. Instead they are all concerned with the minimization of visible differences between the Armenians and the Georgians.
44. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 740. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. Seen in this light, the peculiarities of the church of Tigran Honents find a clearer context, if not a complete explanation. The paintings appear to blur distinctions between the two communities and to reflect the ambiguity and pragmatism of the Zakarids' policy, and they suggest that Tigran Honents played a part in the formation or execution of this policy. The combination of languages, cycles, and saints cannot simply be ascribed exclusively to any one religious confession.
45. Sinclair, T. A. (31 December 1989). Eastern Turkey: An Architectural & Archaeological Survey, Volume I. Pindar Press. pp. 358–359. ISBN 978-0-907132-32-5.
46. Blessing 2017, p. 158.
47. Kalas 2008, p. 213"The last scene, however, is devoted to St. Nino, the evangelist of Georgia, and depicts the miracle of the life-giving pillar, one of the key events in the establishment of Christianity in Georgia. Eastmond argues: "although the donor of the church (Tigran Honents) was Armenian, the church served a larger community at Ani composed of both Armenians and Georgians".
48. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. pp. 14–16. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365. p.114: In the first chapter historical evidence, epigraphic monuments and colophons were used to reconstruct the history of Akhtaia, a monastery transferred from the Monophysites to the Chalcedonians at the turn of the 13th century. In so doing the cultural environment in which the murals arose was more clearly elucidated. Particular attention was paid to the colophons of Symeon Plindzahanketsi: these writings by a monk of Akhtaia from the first half of 13th century revealed the worldview of the Armenian-Chalcedonians. For the first time a portrait was drawn of Ivane Mkhargrdzeli, the patron of the paintings, whose own historical destiny did much to determine the distinctive features of the frescoes. Finally, the juxtaposition of direct and indirect evidence proved that the paintings were executed between 1205 and 1216. This precise dating provides a firm point of departure for the study of other artistic phenomena of the period. (...) p.116 These findings confirm the importance of the Akhtaia murafs for the history of Byzantine, Armenian and Georgian art. Taken as a whole, the murals cannot be attributed to any single artistic tradition. They can only be correctly understood as a monument of Armenian-Chalcedonian art that achieved an original blend of elements drawn from Armenian, Georgian and Byzantine culture.
49. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 740, Fig.11. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787.
50. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 736. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. It has been suggested that the relative lack of a tradition of monumental painting in Armenia forced Tigran Honents to rely on Georgian artists to carry out the paintings, but this presupposes far too limited and exclusive abilities for both Armenian and Georgian craftsmen. Moreover, the wall paintings in the tomb of Tigran Honents on the outskirts of Ani employ Armenian inscriptions.
51. Eastmond, Antony (1 January 2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 35–37. doi:10.1017/9781316711774.003. Although the Armenian Church did not ban wall paintings, they are much less common than in Georgia or Byzantium. Armenian sources reveal a suspicion of monumental art: to use paintings was to "become Georgian". Stepanos Orbelian's late thirteenth-century history of Siunik, the south-eastern province of Armenia, shows the ambivalence to paintings that existed. In chapter forty-nine he writes with admiration of the paintings that were commissioned from a Frankish artist at the monastery of Tatev in 930 (extraordinarily, some of these still survive). But three chapters later he records the expulsion in 969 of Vahan, the Catholicos of Armenia, for introducing images "like the Georgians" and thereby threatening to "insinuate the heresy of the Greeks" into the Church. The majority of paintings that survive in Armenia come from these two periods: either the sporadic flirtation with monumental art in the early period, or the more frequent occurrences in the Mqargrdzeli period in the thirteenth century
52. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 739. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. It was implemented in a different way by Zakare, who attempted to reform the Armenian church after witnessing disputes between Georgian and Armenian troops under his command. His proposals were considered and agreed to at a church council at Sis, convened by Levon, the Armenian king in Cilicia, and his catholicos, Dawit. The eight demands concern only the outward expression of faith and technical and procedural points; none deals with matters of theology or dogma, the theoretical roots of the differences between the churches. Instead they are all concerned with the minimization of visible differences between the Armenians and the Georgians. The most important for my purposes is the fourth demand, that "icons of the Savior and all the saints should be accepted, and not despised as though they were pagan images." This clause clearly opened the way for the paintings at Ani to be viewed and accepted by Monophysite as well as Chalcedonian viewers.
53. Baumer, Christoph (5 October 2023). History of the Caucasus: Volume 2: In the Shadow of Great Powers. Bloomsbury Publishing. pp. 24–25. ISBN 978-0-7556-3630-3.
54. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. pp. 14–16. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365.
55. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. pp. 14–16. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365. p.114: In the first chapter historical evidence, epigraphic monuments and colophons were used to reconstruct the history of Akhtaia, a monastery transferred from the Monophysites to the Chalcedonians at the turn of the 13th century. In so doing the cultural environment in which the murals arose was more clearly elucidated. Particular attention was paid to the colophons of Symeon Plindzahanketsi: these writings by a monk of Akhtaia from the first half of 13th century revealed the worldview of the Armenian-Chalcedonians. For the first time a portrait was drawn of Ivane Mkhargrdzeli, the patron of the paintings, whose own historical destiny did much to determine the distinctive features of the frescoes. Finally, the juxtaposition of direct and indirect evidence proved that the paintings were executed between 1205 and 1216. This precise dating provides a firm point of departure for the study of other artistic phenomena of the period. (...) p.115 In a number of cases stylistic analysis was confirmed by study of the inscriptions on the murals in Greek, Georgian and Armenian. (...) p.116 These findings confirm the importance of the Akhtaia murafs for the history of Byzantine, Armenian and Georgian art. Taken as a whole, the murals cannot be attributed to any single artistic tradition. They can only be correctly understood as a monument of Armenian-Chalcedonian art that achieved an original blend of elements drawn from Armenian, Georgian and Byzantine culture.
56. Blessing 2017, p. 158 "Paintings were unusual in Armenian Ani (these are the earliest occurrence of wall paintings in the city) and those in the Church of Tigran Honents contain inscriptions exclusively in Greek and Georgian. Furthermore, style, technique (the intense bright blue of the background) and some iconographic details have directed art historians towards suggesting contemporary Georgian traditions as a source for these paintings."
57. Blessing 2017, p. 157.
58. Eastmond, Antony (2003). ""Local" Saints, Art, and Regional Identity in the Orthodox World after the Fourth Crusade". Speculum. 78 (3): 736. doi:10.1017/S0038713400131525. ISSN 0038-7134. JSTOR 20060787. Although the paintings in the main body of the church follow Georgian precedents in terms of their style, their overall program, and their iconography, a number of features show that the church was significantly different from its Georgian neighbors. The most obvious of these is the concentration on the life of St. Gregory in the west arm of the church. Also, among the church fathers depicted in the apse are Sts. Aristakes and Vrtanes, the two sons of St. Gregory who succeeded him as patriarch of Armenia. Both men were venerated in the Armenian Orthodox Church, but not in the Greek or Georgian Church. These seem to indicate that the church adhered to Monophysite beliefs.
59. Lidov, Aleksej M. (1991). The mural paintings of Akhtala. pp. 93–94. doi:10.11588/diglit.27365.
60. Eastmond, Antony (1 January 2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. pp. 37–38. doi:10.1017/9781316711774.003. Interestingly, fragments of red underpainting that have emerged from beneath these figures give the artists' identifying labels in Armenian and Greek, a different linguistic competence.
61. Manuelian, Lucy Der; Zarian, Armen; Nersessian, Vrej; Stepanyan, Nonna S.; Eiland, Murray L.; Kouymjian, Dickran (2003). "Armenia, Republic of" (PDF). Oxford Art Online: 25. doi:10.1093/gao/9781884446054.article.T004089. Some khatchk'ars have sacred images on the top frame or beside the cross, and a donor image, such as that at the base of Grigor Khaghbakian's khatchk'ar (1233) on the grounds of Ēdjmiadzin Cathedral, where it was brought from Imirzek'.
62. Baumer 2024, p. 32.
63. Baumer 2024, p. 32.
64. Baumer 2024, p. 33.
65. Baumer 2024, p. 34.
66. Bedrosian, Robert (1997). "Armenia during the Seljuk and Mongol Periods". The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, Vol.1 (PDF). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 241–271. The years from 1236 to 1250, though not without conflict, did not witness radical changes in Armenia's governing structure. Apparently, prior to 1243 no permanent formal taxes had been imposed on Armenia, the conquerors contenting themselves instead with the rich booty and plunder to be had from the many areas taken by military force. But in 1243 by command of the Great Khan Guyuk himself, taxes amounting to between one-thirtieth and one-tenth of value were imposed on virtually everything movable and immovable, and a heavy head tax of 60 silver drams was collected from males. The severity of the taxes and the brutal manner of their collection triggered an abortive uprising of the lords in 1248-1249. This rebellion, which was discovered by the Mongols while still in the planning stages, was crushed at the expense of human and animal lives and crops in numerous districts of northeastern Armenia and southern Georgia. Some of the arrested Armenian and Georgian conspirators, unable to raise the huge ransoms demanded for their release, were tortured or killed.
67. Bedrosian, Robert (1997). "Armenia during the Seljuk and Mongol Periods". The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times, Vol.1 (PDF). New York: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 241–271. The second invasion of the Caucasus took place immediately after the Mongol departure in 1222, and was caused by it. This time the participants were nomadic Kipchak Turks from the plains to the north. In their turn defeated by the Mongols, one sizable body of Kipchaks fled from them in a southward direction. These nomads pillaged and looted from Darband south to Gandzak in Azerbaijan. Atabeg Ivane mustered troops and went against them, but he was defeated, having underestimated their strength. What was worse, many nakharars were captured, then killed or ransomed for huge sums of money. The Kipchaks continued looting and raiding different parts of the Caucasus until 1223, when Ivane, in alliance with other Caucasian peoples, finally defeated them, killing or selling them into slavery. The Kipchak raids, though less serious than the invasions that preceded and succeeded them, nonetheless contributed to the continued unsettled state of affairs initiated by the Mongols, depleted the Armeno-Georgian military of some capable leaders, and undoubtedly weakened the army's morale.
68. Prezbindowsk, Lauren (2012). The Ilkhanid Mongols, the Christian Armenians, and the Islamic Mamluks : a study of their relations, 1220-1335. University of Louisville. p. 18. The Mongols only completed their conquest of Armenia after three campaigns from 1239 to 1244. (Note 41:The first Mongol campaign took Ani and Kars in 1239, the second took Karin in 1242, and the third with the defeat of the Seljuk Sultan in 1244) The Mongols richly rewarded those who submitted (this acted as an inducement to the hesitant) while simultaneously devastating the lands of those who still resisted.
69. Stopka, Krzysztof; Bałuk-Ulewiczowa, Teresa (2017). Armenia Christiana: Armenian religious identity and the Churches of Constantinople and Rome (4th-15th century) (PDF) (First ed.). Kraków: Jagiellonian University Press. ISBN 978-83-233-4190-1. In 1256 a fifth Mongol ulus was created, with the ilkhan Hulagu, the Great Khan's brother, as its governor. His task was to develop the Mongol Empire in the Near East. The historical territories of Armenia became part of the Ilkhanate of Persia.
70. Biran, Michal; Kim, Hodong (31 July 2023). The Cambridge History of the Mongol Empire 2 Volumes. Cambridge University Press. p. 714. ISBN 978-1-009-30197-8. In the period that preceded the creation of the Ilkhanate, i.e., 1236–1256, Subcaucasia was put under the control of a military governor, the first of which was Chormaqan. The Mongols organized Caucasia into five vilayets (provinces): Georgia (Gurjistan), Greater Armenia, Shirvan, Arran, and Mughan. Georgia was divided into eight tümen. Greater Armenia was composed of "quasi-independent" Armenian principalities, and included the territories of Sasun and Vaspurakan, with Karin/Erzurum at the center.
71. Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages - MetPublications - The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2018. p. 32. The devastation caused by the Mongols is recorded in the colophons of many manuscripts of the period. Some Armenians, however, prospered as allies of, and soldiers and merchants for, the Mongols, including the Zakarian, Orbelian, and Proshian families. They continued or extended their existing trade routes into China, now controlled by the Mongols. Examples of Proshian success are seen at the church of the White Virgin (Spitakavor Astuatsatsin) with its relief carving of Amir Hasan (cat. 35) and in the exquisite, richly gilded reliquary presented by his father (cat. 36).
72. VANLINT, THEO MAARTEN (2010). "THE MONGOLS IN MEDIEVAL ARMENIAN POETRY" (PDF). Gaznavet: 515–516.
73. Eastmond, Antony (1 January 2014). "Inscriptions and Authority in Ani". Der Doppeladler. Byznanz und die Seldschuken in Anatolien vom späten 11. Bis zum 13. Jahrhundert, eds. Neslihan Austay-Effenberger, Falko Daim: 81. By the 1260s, at which time Ani was under Ilkhanid rule, the gavit seems to have acted as a central deposit for legal affairs, especially those concerning taxes and import duties. The interior and exterior of the building are replete with inscriptions recording changes to levies – usually the alleviation of taxes, but occasionally impositions (such as the ban on Sunday street trading after the earthquake. These texts show a marked difference from the earlier Shaddadid inscriptions in the city about trade. Whereas those inscriptions were in Persian, these are all in Armenian, despite their ultimate authority coming from Iran. Indeed six of the inscriptions begin their texts with the words "[In the name of] the Ilkhan". They even adopt Mongolian terms, notably the word yarligh (imperial decree) which appears in the inscription of 1270.
74. Basmadjian, K.J. (1922–23). Graffin, René (ed.). "LES INSCRIPTIONS ARMÉNIENNES D'ANI DE BAGNA1R ET DE MARMACHÈN". Revue de l'Orient Chrétien (1896-1946): 341–42, inscription 72. doi:10.31826/9781463220860-020. ISBN 978-1-4632-2086-0.
75. Eastmond, Antony (2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. p. 375. doi:10.1017/9781316711774. ISBN 9781316711774.
76. Dashdondog 2011, p. 92 "In 1251, before King Het‘um set out on his journey to Mongolia, the Armenian Catholicos Kostandin (1221–1267), hoping to gain from this diplomatic mission strong backing for Cilician Armenia to resist the Mamluks and the Seljuks , sent a letter to Greater Armenia asking people to abstain from rebelling against the Mongols and their governors. This appeal worked; however, the next revolt of the Armenian princes occurred in 1259–1261. In 1259–1260, a Mongol tax called qubchur was introduced in Georgia and Armenia , which became a heavy burden for the Caucasian lords. Some of them had to mortgage their estate to pay this tax. This led to a rebellion of the princes against whom the Mongol ostikan (governor) Arghun conducted a military operation. (...) . Gontsa was drowned on the orders of Hűlegű Khan. Although Prince Shahnshah was freed for a ransom, his son Zak‘arē was killed.
77. Дрампян, Ирина Рубеновна (1979). Фрески Кобайра (in Armenian). Советакан грох. p. 20. The frescoes of the Kobayr monastery (...) The frescoes of Kobayr refer to the second, i . e . to the Zakarian period. There has been a period when most of the structures of the monastery were covered with paintings. Now if we don't count the traces of painting on the other structures, only two monuments have preserved part of their decoration; and those are the Big Church and the Aisle adjoining it from the north. Thanks to the inscription referring to the construction of the building, we are informed of the date, which is the year 1282, and also the name of the donor, the monk George who was the son of Shahnshah, of the Zakarian family. Though we don't have documental informations concerning the paintings of the Aisle , the portraits of the donators whom we consider to be Shahnshah and his wife allow us to look upon the painting as one close to the date of the Big Church; the likeness in the artistic style confirms this suggestion. - From all the wall paintings of the Big Church only that of the altar has been preserved. As for the Aisle , here we can see not only the altar painting, but also remains of frescoes on the northern and western walls. The iconography of the altar paintings of the Big Church and the Aisle, on the whole, can be traced back to the Byzantine system of decoration. Having been already formed in the XI c., it has also some local peculiarities, the sources of which go back to the Armenian monumental art of earlier ages, beginning from the VII c. The set-up of both altar paintings are similar: the Church Fathers are in the lower rank, the Eucharist is in the middle. The difference lies in the upper circle, in the concha...
78. Dashdondog 2010, p. 102.
79. Hodous, Florence (2018). "Inner Asia 1100s-1405: The Making of Chinggisid Eurasia". In Fairey, Jack; Farell, Brian (eds.). Empire in Asia: A New Global History: From Chinggisid to Qing. Vol. 1. London: Bloomsbury Academic. p. 20. ISBN 9781472591234. Vassal states such as the Uyghur kingdom of Qocho (until 1335), Zakarid Armenia, Cilicia, Georgia, and Korea similarly owed the empire taxes, troops, and loyalty, but were otherwise left to govern themselves.
80. Mikaberidze, Alexander (6 February 2015). Historical Dictionary of Georgia. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 150. ISBN 978-1-4422-4146-6.
81. Kitagawa, pp. 135–136.
82. Dashdondog 2011.
83. Eastmond, Antony (1 January 2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. p. 373. doi:10.1017/9781316711774.014. Perhaps the most extreme case came when Armenians, including Avag, his cousin Shahnshah and his vassal Hasan Prosh, were required to besiege Mayyafariqin, the northernmost Ayyubid base in the Jazira before the capture of Akhlat. It took two years to reduce the city, leading to a situation far worse than that faced in Akhlat in 1229–30.
84. Mikaberidze, Alexander (6 February 2015). Historical Dictionary of Georgia. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 255. ISBN 978-1-4422-4146-6.
85. Biran, Michal; Kim, Hodong (31 July 2023). The Cambridge History of the Mongol Empire 2 Volumes. Cambridge University Press. p. 721. ISBN 978-1-009-30197-8. That same year marked the clash between the Golden Horde and the Ilkhanate. Berke's claim on Transcaucasia, especially on the rich pastures of Azerbaijan, ended in a forceful attack in the north of the country. The Georgians were compelled to grant military support and a garrison was sent to preside over the fortress of Siba (today in the Iranian district of Kukherd) in 1263, and in 1265 an army comprising Georgians and Armenians defeated Berke in Shirvan.
86. Biran, Michal; Kim, Hodong (31 July 2023). The Cambridge History of the Mongol Empire 2 Volumes. Cambridge University Press. p. 722. ISBN 978-1-009-30197-8. According to Rashid al-Din, Alinaq was the son of Tügür Bitigchi, commander of a hundred at Hülegü's service.
87. Mathews, Thomas F.; Sanjian, Avedis Krikor (1991). Armenian Gospel Iconography: The Tradition of the Glajor Gospel. Dumbarton Oaks. pp. 14–16. ISBN 978-0-88402-183-4.
88. Biran, Michal; Kim, Hodong (31 July 2023). The Cambridge History of the Mongol Empire 2 Volumes. Cambridge University Press. pp. 722–723. ISBN 978-1-009-30197-8. The Armenian aristocracy supported Tegüder's rival, Arghun, Abaqa's elder son. The majority of the Georgian aristocracy, except for King Demetre (r. 1270–1289), was bound to Alinaq, Tegüder's son-in-law, and supported the latter. Tegüder was executed on August 10, 1284. The party of Arghun, championed by the Armenians, had won. Arghun (r. 1284–1291) was favorable to the Armenian nobles and to the church in particular. According to Stephannos Orbélian, 150 monasteries were tax-exempt.
89. Nersessian, Vrej (2001). Treasures from the Ark: 1700 Years of Armenian Christian Art. The British Library Board - Getty Museum. p. 106.
90. Geghard. p. 8. The inscription carved on the north wall of the church, shows the date of foundation in 1283, and the name of the donator, Prince Prosh.
91. "Unesco. Geghard Monastery" (PDF). The prosperity of the monastery in the thirteenth century was due to the patronage of the Proshyan prince, who carved out the second cave church in 1283, reached through a rock-cut antechamber which served as their mausoleum. The burials are in a recess behind twin arches, over which two felines on leashes and an eagle with a lamb in its talons, the family's armoured bearings have been sculpted in bold relief.
92. Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages - MetPublications - The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2018. pp. 106–107.
93. Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages - MetPublications - The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2018. pp. 106–107. Following the custom of the time, a representation of the commissioner, Each'i Proshian, is engraved at the bottom center of the frame. His hands are upraised in the ancient Christian orant prayer pose, and his clothing recalls Mongolian royal dress.
94. Nersessian, Vrej (2001). Treasures from the Ark: 1700 Years of Armenian Christian Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 106. ISBN 978-0892366392. The portrait of the founder as huntsman is an iconographic type common to Islamic art. Amir Hasan's costume, a long tunic drawn in at the waist by a belt decorated with stones, along with a three-pointed cap with two ribbons, is the same as that of the Mongol princes of the fourteenth century. The face itself, with heavy jowls and slightly slanting eves, also recalls that of the Mongols.
95. Spitakavor Church Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine. Find Armenia. Retrieved 4 December 2013.
96. "Spitakavor Church". Great Yerevan. Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 5 December 2013.
97. Armenien: 3000 Jahre Kultur zwischen Ost und West. Trescher Verlag. 2008. p. 395. ISBN 978-3-89794-126-7.
98. Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages - MetPublications - The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2018. pp. 104–105.
99. "Bas-relief presenting a hunting scene – HMA".
100. Armenia: Art, Religion, and Trade in the Middle Ages - MetPublications - The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Metropolitan Museum of Art. 2018. p. 104. Shown mounted and turning back to shoot his arrow at a deer, he wears a tall hat and a wrapped, close-fitting garment, cinched by an ornate belt. This costume, together with Amir's round cheeks and almond-shaped eyes, finds close parallels in other princely portraits from Mongol-era Armenia, and in particular that of his father on the reliquary of the "Holy Cross of Vegetarians" (Khotakerats').
101. Graffin, René, ed. (1922–23). "LES INSCRIPTIONS ARMÉNIENNES D'ANI DE BAGNA1R ET DE MARMACHÈN". Revue de l'Orient Chrétien (1896-1946): 333, inscription 66. doi:10.31826/9781463220860-020. ISBN 978-1-4632-2086-0.
102. Arakelian, B.N.; Karakhanian, G.H. (1962). Գառնի. 1949-1956 պեղումների արդյունքները [Garni. Volume III: Results of excavations of 1949-1956] (in Armenian). Yerevan: Armenian SSR Academy of Sciences Publishing. p. 45.
103. Kazaryan, Armen; Loshkareva, Ekaterina (2019). "Preliminary Study of the Architecture and the Plastic Arts of the Zak'are Church in the Inner Castle (Aghjkaberd) of Ani". Proceedings of the 2019 International Conference on Architecture: Heritage, Traditions and Innovations (AHTI 2019). doi:10.2991/ahti-19.2019.23. ISBN 978-94-6252-740-9.
104. Eastmond, Antony (1 January 2017). Tamta's World: The Life and Encounters of a Medieval Noblewoman from the Middle East to Mongolia. Cambridge University Press. p. 163. doi:10.1017/9781316711774.007.
105. Graffin, René, ed. (1922–23). "LES INSCRIPTIONS ARMÉNIENNES D'ANI DE BAGNA1R ET DE MARMACHÈN". Revue de l'Orient Chrétien (1896-1946): 362–363, inscription 81. doi:10.31826/9781463220860-020. ISBN 978-1-4632-2086-0.
106. Graffin, René, ed. (1922–23). "LES INSCRIPTIONS ARMÉNIENNES D'ANI DE BAGNA1R ET DE MARMACHÈN". Revue de l'Orient Chrétien (1896-1946): 367–370, inscription 87. doi:10.31826/9781463220860-020. ISBN 978-1-4632-2086-0.

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