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Germany–Israel relations
Bilateral relations From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Germany–Israel relations (German: Deutsch-israelische Beziehungen; Hebrew: יחסי גרמניה-ישראל) are the diplomatic relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and the State of Israel. After the end of World War II and the Holocaust, relations gradually thawed as West Germany offered to pay reparations to Israel in 1952[1] and diplomatic relations were officially established in 1965. Nonetheless, a deep mistrust of the German people remained widespread in Israel and the Jewish diaspora communities worldwide for many years after. Relations between East Germany and Israel never materialised. Today, Israel and Germany maintain a "special relationship" based on shared beliefs and a combination of historical perspectives.[2][3] A central pillar of this relationship is Germany’s commitment to Israel’s security as part of its Staatsräson (reason of state), a policy that has also sparked domestic and international debate regarding its political and legal implications.[4]
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Germany is represented in Israel through its embassy in Tel Aviv and honorary consuls in Eilat and Haifa. Israel is represented in Germany through its embassy in Berlin and its Consulate-General in Munich. Both countries are full members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Union for the Mediterranean.
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History
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Reparations agreement
In the early 1950s, the negotiations began between the Prime Minister of Israel David Ben-Gurion, the chairman of the Jewish Claims Conference Nahum Goldmann, and the Chancellor of West Germany Konrad Adenauer. Because of the sensitivity of accepting reparations, this decision was intensely debated in the Israeli Knesset. In 1952, the Reparations Agreement was signed. All in all, as of 2007 Germany had paid 25 billion euros in reparations to the Israeli state and individual Israeli Holocaust survivors.[5] This commitment, driven by moral and political responsibility, became central to its Staatsräson— West Germany's post-war national interest.[6] Staatsräson involved addressing historical debts, compensating victims, ensuring Israel’s security, and thus restoring Germany’s international credibility.[6] There were significant reconciliation efforts, particularly from religious institutions such as the German Coordinating-Council for Christian-Jewish cooperation and the Action Reconciliation Service for Peace.[7]
In 1950, Hermann Maas became the first German to be officially invited to Israel.[8] It took another fifteen years until West Germany and Israel established diplomatic relations on 12 May 1965.[9] Since then, mutual state visits regularly occur, although for many years relations were affected by the fact that Jews both in and outside Israel maintained a deep mistrust of Germany and the German people. German President Roman Herzog's first official visit outside Europe was to Israel in 1994. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak was the first foreign leader received in Berlin after the German government's relocation from Bonn in 1999.
Eichmann trial
West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer attempted to influence the trial of Nazi war criminal and Holocaust architect Adolf Eichmann in Israel because he feared that the Nazi past of some senior West German officials, including Hans Globke,[10] would come to light during the trial.[11]
Hans Globke's key position as chief of staff to Adenauer, responsible for matters of national security, made both the West German government and CIA officials wary of exposing his past, despite their full knowledge of it. This led, for instance, to the withholding of Adolf Eichmann's alias from the Israeli government and Nazi hunters in the 1950s.[12][13] The German Federal Intelligence Service (BND) had known since 1952 that Eichmann was living in Buenos Aires and working at Mercedes-Benz.[14]
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Bilateral Cooperation since 2000
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German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder visited Israel in October 2000. In 2005, the year of the 40th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic relations,[15] German President Horst Köhler and Israel's former President Moshe Katsav exchanged state visits.[16][17] The two countries established a network of contacts between parliamentary, governmental, and non-governmental organizations, as well as strategic and security ties.
On 30 January 2008, Chancellor Angela Merkel's spokesman announced that the German and Israeli cabinets would meet in Israel in March 2008, in honor of Israel's 60th anniversary celebrations. This was the first time the German cabinet met with another cabinet outside of Europe. The joint meeting was expected to become an annual occurrence.[18] On 17 March 2008, Merkel paid a three-day visit to Israel to mark Israel's 60th anniversary. Merkel and Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert signed agreements on a range of projects in education, the environment and defense.[19] Merkel spoke of her support for the Jewish state during an unprecedented speech to the Knesset on 18 March 2008.[20]
In January 2011, Merkel visited Israel and met with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and opposition Kadima leader Tzipi Livni.[21] In February 2011, Netanyahu called Merkel to discuss Germany's vote in the United Nations Security Council in favor of the Palestinian proposal. Merkel reportedly told Netanyahu that he had disappointed her and done nothing to advance peace.[22] To clear the air, Netanyahu was invited for a reconciliation visit to Berlin in mid-March 2011.[22] In September 2011, Merkel criticized Israel for construction in settlements in Jerusalem and said that the new housing permits raised doubts over Israel's readiness to negotiate with the Palestinians.[23]
Germany was one of 14 countries that voted against Palestine's UNESCO membership in October 2011, within the context of the Palestine 194 initiative. When Israel announced that building settlements would continue in response to Palestinian attempts to declare statehood unilaterally, Germany threatened to stop deliveries to Israel of submarines capable of firing nuclear warheads.[24]
Deutsche Bahn, the German national railway, in May 2011 pulled out of the high-speed railway to Jerusalem project because the line will pass in part through the West Bank. According to press reports, the German transport minister Peter Ramsauer told Deutsche Bahn's CEO that the projected rail line was "problematic from a political perspective" and violated international law. As a result, the company, which is owned by the German government, withdrew from the project. The company's decision was seen as a victory for left-wing Israeli and Palestinian activists who had waged a campaign within the context of the international Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions movement.[25]
In May 2019, the Bundestag passed a resolution condemning BDS as antisemitism.[26][27] In March 2022, the newly elected Chancellor of Germany, Olaf Scholz, made his first official visit to Israel.[28]
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Reason of State
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See also: National interest
In April 2005, German Ambassador to Israel Rudolf Dreßler stated that "the secure existence of Israel is in Germany’s national interest and is therefore an element of our reason of state".[29] Chancellor Angela Merkel formally articulated this in 2006 by declaring Israel’s right to exist as a German national interest. [30] According to Israel’s ambassador at the time, this declaration marked a shift away from German neutrality in the Middle East.[31] Merkel later reiterated this stance in a 2007 UN speech and again in her 2008 Knesset address, where she stated: "The secure existence of Israel is in Germany’s national interest and is therefore an element of our reason of state" calling it "fundamental and non-negotiable", in light of Iranian threats.[32][31][33]
Critics, including former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, described Merkel’s position as “emotionally comprehensible, yet foolish view which could have serious consequences".[6] President Joachim Gauck notably avoided using the term during his 2012 visit to Israel, expressing concern that invoking Staatsräson implied obligations the state might not be able or willing to fulfill.[31] Under Merkel's leadership, the Staatsräson shaped Germany's position during the 2012 and 2014 Gaza conflicts, gaining wide bipartisan support, and being included in the 2021 coalition agreement, cementing it as a broad political consensus.[34][35]
Germany's Staatsräson is reflected in its arms cooperation with Israel, its efforts to maintain regional stability, and its opposition to Iran's nuclear ambitions.[31] Additionally, Germany supports Israel's interests in international organisations.[31] Staatsräson also shapes German policy on antisemitism by linking funding of public institutions to the IHRA definition of antisemitism, which is highly controversial as it can overlap with criticism of Israeli policies.[36] In 2022, only 27% of Germans supported the notion of a special responsibility towards Israel.[37]
Following the October 7 Hamas-led attacks on Israel in 2023, Chancellor Olaf Scholz reaffirmed the principle, stating, “Israel’s security is German Staatsräson” notably omitting Merkel’s earlier qualifier that it is only "a part" of it.[38] He added, “In this moment, there can only be one place for Germany: the place by Israel’s side".[38][39]
Domestically, the invocation of Staatsräson has also been cited in the context of banning protests and organizations critical of the Israeli government.[40] Furthermore, the federal state of Saxony-Anhalt introduced a requirement for prospective German citizens to sign a written commitment to Israel’s right to exist and to condemn any actions directed against that existence—explicitly linking the requirement to German Staatsräson.[6]
Criticism and Debate
Germany’s commitment to Israel as part of its Staatsräson has sparked growing criticism. Scholars and civil society actors argue it is used to justify support for Israeli policies and restrict dissent within Germany. [36]
Instrumentalisation of Remembrance Culture
German-Israeli publicist Meron Mendel has criticised the invocation of Staatsräson in relation to Israel’s current leadership, calling it particularly problematic in light of the government’s “ultranationalist and religious-fundamentalist” orientation.[37] The Global Public Policy Institute (GPPi) described this usage as promoting a “manufactured unquestionability” around Israeli policies, undermining democratic discourse.[32] Political theorist Maximilian Grimm argues that the state-centric framing of historical responsibility towards the state of Israel reinforces authoritarian tendencies and sidelines diverse Jewish perspectives, while distracting from contemporary forms of antisemitism.[36] Similarly, scholars like Enzo Traverso and Daniel Marwecki warn of Holocaust memory being used to justify controversial Israeli policies, describing this as "substitute nationalism" that distorts Germany’s self-image and overlooks Israeli violations of international law.[41][42]
In this context, Staatsräson is increasingly seen as performative. As Bue Rübner argues in The German Chauvinism, some Germans seek to resolve inherited guilt through ritualised expressions of moral righteousness centred on support for Israel, increasingly equated with anti-antisemitism.[43] This, he suggests, has fostered a culture of performative anti-fascism, where virtue is signalled through language policing and alignment with state narratives, rather than meaningful engagement with justice, pluralism, or anti-racism.[43] He contends this climate enables punitive measures, such as disinvitations, defunding, and denunciations of people and organisations critical of the Israeli government. This has adversely affected Jews in Germany, many of whom have been "cancelled" for alleged antisemitic statements.[44] Observers point to a pattern of elevating voices aligned with German and European ideas of nationhood, while marginalising more universalist, cosmopolitan, or emancipatory Jewish identities.[45]
Censorship
See also: Censorship in Germany
The German government's commitment to Israel as part of its Staatsräson has increasingly influenced domestic policy, including restrictions on pro-Palestinian expression.[46] These measures have raised concerns about civil liberties, academic freedom, and the narrowing of democratic space within Germany, especially as they relate to German-Israeli relations.[47]
A key precedent was set in 2019, when the Bundestag passed a non-binding resolution declaring the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement antisemitic.[47] Though not legally binding, the resolution has been used to justify defunding, event cancellations, and speaker disinvitations at public institutions.[47][31] These concerns intensified in 2024 when the Bundestag further institutionalised the IHRA Working Definition of Antisemitism, criticised for equating criticism of Israeli policy with antisemitism. [47][36] Under this framework, various educational and cultural programs—including the Jewish-Israeli art collective The School for Unlearning Zionism—were defunded after BDS associations were flagged.[48] Critics argue this has constrained legitimate discourse around German-Israeli relations and Israeli policy.[43]
Numerous artists, academics, and public figures have reported being disinvited from events over their criticism of Israeli actions.[49] These include Jewish journalist Masha Gessen, Jewish-Israeli philosopher Omri Boehm, and author Adania Shibli.[45][49] A lecture by UN Special Rapporteur Francesca Albanese was cancelled by Ludwig Maximilian University, citing anticipated controversy.[50] Following campaigns against Middle East scholar Muriel Asseburg, similar cancellations occurred.[36] In 2024, Nancy Fraser lost a professorship after criticising Israeli military conduct in Gaza.[51] Jewish and Palestinian students, artists, and scholars describe a climate of fear and self-censorship.[47] New legislation in Berlin proposed expelling students for political expression, further raising concerns about academic freedom in relation to Germany’s support for Israel.[36] Civil society organizations and Jewish intellectuals have issued open letters condemning what they describe as disproportionate and politically motivated responses that threaten basic civil rights.[43]
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Trade
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Germany is Israel's largest trading partner in Europe and Israel's second most important trading partner after the United States. Israeli imports from Germany amount to some USD 2.3 billion annually, while Israel is Germany's fourth largest trading partner in the North Africa/Middle East region.[2]
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Tourism
Both Germany and Israel offer one another Visa Free or Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) for their citizens to visit each other and for both the arrivals are considered as predominantly main group of tourist.[60][61] Israel and Germany also offer each others citizens Working Holiday Visas.[62]
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Culture, science, and social programs
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The two countries enjoy extensive scientific relations, with cooperation in science between Israeli and German universities and the development of the Minerva Society. During the visit by President Katsav, Bundestag President Wolfgang Thierse promoted the establishment of German–Israeli Youth Office – modeled on Germany's joint youth offices with France and Poland – as a tool to educate German and Israeli youth about their respective histories and the sensitivities of their relationship.[2] The German-Israel Foundation for Scientific Research and Development (GIF) was established in 1986.[67]
A number of exchange programs work between young Germans and Israelis. About 2,000 Israelis and 4,500 Germans currently participate each year in the exchange program run by Germany's Federal Ministry for the Family, Senior Citizens, Women and Youth. The German organization Action Reconciliation (Aktion Sühnezeichen) has played a role in bringing Germans and Israelis together. Since 1961, Action Reconciliation has sent about 2,500 volunteers to work in Israeli hospitals and social welfare programs. Churches and trade unions have been active in fostering relations.
Israel places great importance on sister city relationships with German cities. Haifa has five sister cities in Germany; Tel Aviv has five and Netanya has two. Over 100 Israeli cities and local authorities have ties with Germany.[68]
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Military cooperation
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Germany and Israel have significant and long-standing military cooperation. From 1959 to 1967 the Federal Republic of Germany was a significant supplier of military equipment and arms to Israel.[69] However, after 1965, when West Germany backed out of an agreement to sell tanks to Israel, the United States filled the order by selling 210 M48 Patton tanks. The Merkava 4 uses a German MTU MB 873 Ka-501 air-cooled diesel V12 engine produced under license. Germany has supplied Israel with Dolphin class submarines while Germany utilizes the Israeli-designed Spike Anti-Tank Missile. In 2008, it was revealed that Germany and Israel had been jointly developing a nuclear warning system, dubbed Operation Bluebird, in secret.[70]
The German-Israeli military cooperation was shrouded in secrecy for a long period, as such an entente was not seen favorably within Israel. However, this tight relationship, translated through arms deal and intelligence sharing, developed into solid trust and ultimately laid the necessary groundwork for the establishment of diplomatic ties.[71] For the first time in history, German combat aircraft landed at Ovda Airport in Israel to take part in the Blue Flag exercise in 2017.[72] Israel supplied Arrow 3 missiles to Germany during the Russo-Ukrainian War in 2023.[73]
In October 2023, following the outbreak of the Gaza war, German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius expressed full support for Israel. He told Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant that "whatever we can do to support you, with material support, we will do this."[74] In 2023, Germany approved arms exports to Israel worth 326.5 million euros, or about $353.7 million.[75]
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Israel–Palestine conflict
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German Chancellor Olaf Scholz condemned Hamas' actions during the Gaza war and expressed his support to Israel and its right to self-defense.[76] He criticized the Palestinian Authority and Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, saying that "their silence is shameful."[77] On 17 October 2023, Scholz arrived in Israel and on the same day warned Iran and Hezbollah not to get involved in the war between Israel and Hamas. He said that "Germany and Israel are united by the fact that they are democratic constitutional states. Our actions are based on law and order, even in extreme situations."[78]
According to a poll by the German Forsa Institute on behalf of the newspaper Die Welt conducted in December 2023, 45% of respondents in Germany agreed and 43% disagreed with the statement: "Israel's military action in the Gaza Strip is all in all appropriate." In the immediate aftermath of the Hamas attack on Israel, 44% of Germans said Germany has "a special obligation towards Israel." In December 2023, that number dropped to 37%.[79]
In January 2024, President Hage Geingob of Namibia called Israel's actions in Gaza "genocidal and gruesome" and sharply criticized Germany's decision to back Israel in South Africa v. Israel, saying that Germany had an "inability to draw lessons from its horrific history".[80] In February 2024 lawyers representing Palestinians in Germany filed a criminal complaint against various senior politicians including Chancellor Olaf Scholz, foreign minister Annalena Baerbock, economic minister Robert Habeck, and finance minister Christian Lindner for "aiding and abetting" the genocide in Gaza.[81] On 1 March 2024, Nicaragua initiated proceedings against Germany at the ICJ under the Genocide Convention, concerning Germany's support for Israel in the Gaza war.[82]
At the start of the Gaza war in October 2023, Germany sold Israel weapons worth 326 million euros, which was not repeated in 2024 according to Israel's Shomrim Research Network. The German spokesman of the Ministry of Economy said that the government makes decisions on arms exports on a case-by-case basis, taking into account humanitarian law and the current situation between Israel and Hamas, the spokesman said.[83] Between August and October 2024, Germany sold weapons worth 94 million euros to Israel.[84] In October 2024, CDU leader Friedrich Merz successfully urged the German government to resume weapons deliveries to Israel, including spare parts for tanks.[85]
In 2024, Amnesty International accused the German government of "taking a one-sided stance in favor of Israel throughout the entire conflict" in the Middle East, claiming that while the German government criticizes Hamas' war crimes, the government does not name Israel's actions that violate international law as such.[86][87]
Francesca Albanese, incumbent UN Special Rapporteur on the occupied Palestinian territories, criticised foreign minister Annalena Baerbock[88] following a speech by the Foreign Minister in the German Bundestag on 7 October 2024, in which Baerbock alluded to Israeli attacks on Palestinian civilian sites as "self-defense" and said that "that's what Germany stands for" to much applause.[89]
CDU leader Friedrich Merz criticized the International Criminal Court's decision to issue an arrest warrant for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes during the Gaza war.[90] In February 2025, one day after the 2025 German federal election, he announced his intention to invite Netanyahu to Germany,[91] "as an open challenge" to the decision of the ICC.[92]
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See also
- East Germany–Israel relations
- International recognition of Israel
- History of the Jews in Germany
- haGalil, an online magazine for German-speaking Jews
- Anti-German sentiment in Israel
- Antisemitism in 21st-century Germany
- Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding, a 2020 book by Daniel Marwecki
References
Further reading
External links
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