The anthropologist Alfred Métraux described Vodou as "a practical and utilitarian religion".^[87] Its practices largely revolve around interactions with the lwa,^[203] and incorporate song, drumming, dance, prayer, possession, and animal sacrifice.^[204] Practitioners gather together for sèvices (services) in which they commune with the lwa.^[205] Ceremonies for a particular lwa often coincide with the feast day of the Roman Catholic saint which that lwa is associated with.^[206] The mastery of ritual forms is considered imperative in Vodou.^[207] The purpose of ritual is to echofe ("heat things up"), thus bringing about change, whether that be to remove barriers or to facilitate healing.^[208]

Secrecy is important in Vodou.^[209] It is an initiatory tradition,^[210] operating through a system of graded induction or initiation.^[103] When an individual agrees to serve a lwa, it is deemed a lifelong commitment.^[211] Vodou has a strong oral culture, and its teachings are primarily disseminated through oral transmission,^[212] although many practitioners began to use texts after they appeared in the mid-20th century.^[213] The terminology used in Vodou ritual is called langaj.^[214] Unlike in Santería and Candomblé, which employ Yoruba as a liturgical language not understood by most practitioners, in Vodou the liturgies are predominantly in Haitian Creole, the everyday language of most Vodouists.^[215]

Oungan and Manbo

Male priests are referred to as an oungan, alternatively spelled houngan or hungan,^[216] or a prèt Vodou ("Vodou priest").^[217] Priestesses are termed manbo, alternatively spelled mambo.^[218] Oungan numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas.^[219] The oungan and manbo are tasked with organising liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick.^[220] There is no priestly hierarchy, with oungan and manbo being largely self-sufficient.^[220] In many cases, the role is hereditary.^[221] Historical evidence suggests that the role of the oungan and manbo intensified over the course of the 20th century.^[222] As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.^[223]

Vodou teaches that the lwa call an individual to become an oungan or manbo,^[224] and if the latter refuses then misfortune may befall them.^[225] A prospective oungan or manbo must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing oungan or manbo lasting several months or years.^[226] After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates.^[227] Other oungan and manbo do not undergo any apprenticeship, but claim that they have gained their training directly from the lwa.^[228] Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as hungan-macoutte, a term bearing some disparaging connotations.^[226] Becoming an oungan or manbo is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple.^[229] To finance this, many save up for a long time.^[229]

Vodouists believe that the oungan's role is modelled on the lwa Loco;^[230] in Vodou mythology, he was the first oungan and his consort Ayizan the first manbo.^[231] The oungan and manbo are expected to display the power of second sight,^[232] something regarded as a gift from Bondye that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams.^[233] Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them,^[234] and may bolster their status with claims to have received revelations from the lwa, sometimes via visits to the lwa's own abode.^[235]

There is often bitter competition between different oungan and manbo.^[236] Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets.^[237] In many cases, oungan and manbo become wealthier than their clients.^[238] Oungan and manbo are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society.^[239] Being an oungan or manbo provides an individual with both social status and material profit,^[240] although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely.^[241] Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common.^[242] They can recite from printed texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community.^[242] Owing to their prominence in a community, the oungan and manbo can effectively become political leaders,^[233] or otherwise exert an influence on local politics.^[240]

The ounfò

A Vodou temple is called an ounfò,^[243] varyingly spelled hounfò,^[244] hounfort,^[245] or humfo.^[35] An alternative term is gangan, although the connotations of this term vary regionally in Haiti.^[246] Most communal Vodou activities centre around this ounfò,^[231] forming what is called "temple Vodou".^[36] The size and shape of ounfòs vary, from basic shacks to more lavish structures, the latter being more common in Port-au-Prince.^[231] Their designs are dependent on the resources and tastes of the oungan or manbo running them.^[247] Each ounfò is autonomous,^[248] and often has its own unique customs.^[249]

The main ceremonial room in the ounfò is the peristil,^[250] understood as a microcosmic representation of the cosmos.^[251] In the peristil, brightly painted posts hold up the roof;^[252] the central post is the poto mitan,^[253] which is used as a pivot during ritual dances and the pillar through which the lwa enter the room during ceremonies.^[252] It is around this central post that offerings, including both vèvè patterns and animal sacrifices, are made.^[203] However, in the Haitian diaspora many Vodouists perform their rites in basements, where no poto mitan are available.^[254] The peristil typically has an earthen floor, allowing libations to the lwa to drain directly into the soil;^[255] where this is not possible, libations are poured into an enamel basin.^[256] Some peristil include seating around the walls.^[257]

Adjacent rooms in the ounfò include the caye-mystéres, also known as the bagi, badji, or sobadji.^[258] This is where stonework altars, known as pè, stand against the wall or are arranged in tiers.^[258] Also present may be a sink dedicated to the lwa Danbala-Wedo.^[259] The caye-mystéres is also used to store clothing that will be worn by those possessed by the lwa during rituals.^[260] If space is available, the ounfò may also have a room set aside for the patron lwa of that temple.^[261] Many ounfòs have a room known as the djévo in which the initiate is confined during their initiatory ceremony.^[260] Every ounfò usually has a room or corner of a room devoted to Erzuli Freda.^[262] Some ounfò will also have additional rooms in which the oungan or manbo lives.^[261]

The area around the ounfò often contains objects dedicated to particular lwa, such as a pool of water for Danbala, a black cross for Baron Samedi, and a pince (iron bar) embedded in a brazier for Criminel.^[263] Sacred trees, known as arbres-reposoirs, sometimes mark the ounfò's external boundary.^[264] Hanging from these trees can be found macounte straw sacks, strips of material, and animal skulls.^[264] Various animals, particularly birds but also some mammal species such as goats, are sometimes kept within the perimeter of the ounfò for use as sacrifices.^[264]

The congregation

Thumb — A Vodou ceremony taking place in an *ounfò* in Jacmel, Haiti

Forming a spiritual community of practitioners,^[203] the ounfò's congregation are known as the pititt-caye (children of the house).^[265] They worship under the authority of an oungan or manbo,^[35] below whom is ranked the ounsi, individuals who make a lifetime commitment to serving the lwa.^[266] Members of either sex can join the ounsi, although most are female.^[267] The ounsi's duties include cleaning the peristil, sacrificing animals, and taking part in the dances at which they must be prepared to be possessed by a lwa.^[268] The oungan and manbo conduct initiatory ceremonies whereby people become ounsi,^[233] oversee their training,^[231] and act as their counsellor, healer, and protector.^[269] In turn, the ounsi are expected to be obedient to their oungan or manbo.^[268]

One of the ounsi becomes the hungenikon or reine-chanterelle, the mistress of the choir. They are responsible for overseeing the liturgical singing and shaking the chacha rattle which dictates the rhythm during ceremonies.^[270] They are aided by the hungenikon-la-place, commandant general de la place, or quartermaster, who is charged with overseeing offerings and keeping order during the rites.^[231] Another figure is le confiance (the confidant), the ounsi who oversees the ounfò's administrative functions.^[271] Congregants often form a sosyete soutyen (société soutien, support society), through which subscriptions are paid to help maintain the ounfò and organize the major religious feasts.^[272] Another ritual figure sometimes present is the prèt savann ("bush priest"), a man with a knowledge of Latin who is capable of administering Catholic baptisms, weddings, and the last rites, and who is willing to perform these at Vodou ceremonies.^[273]

In rural areas especially, a congregation may consist of an extended family.^[220] Here, the priest will often be the patriarch of that family.^[274] Families, particularly in rural areas, often believe that through their zansèt (ancestors) they are tied to a premye mèt bitasyon (original founder); their descent from this figure is seen as giving them their inheritance both of the land and of familial spirits.^[33] In other examples, particularly in urban areas, an ounfò can act as an initiatory family.^[275] A priest becomes the papa ("father") while the priestess becomes the manman ("mother") to the initiate;^[276] the initiate becomes their initiator's pitit (spiritual child).^[213] Those who share an initiator refer to themselves as "brother" and "sister."^[226] Individuals may join a particular ounfò because it exists in their locality or because their family are already members. Alternatively, it may be that the ounfò places particular focus on a lwa whom they are devoted to, or that they are impressed by the oungan or manbo who runs the ounfò in question, perhaps having been treated by them.^[268]

Initiation

Thumb — A *vèvè* pattern designed to invoke Gran Brigit, one of the *lwa* spirits worshipped in Haitian Vodou

Vodou is hierarchical and includes a series of initiations.^[277] There are typically four levels of initiation,^[278] the fourth of which makes someone an oungan or manbo.^[279] There is much variation in what these initiation ceremonies entail,^[115] and the details are kept secret.^[280] Each initiatory stage is associated with a state of mind called a konesan (conaissance or knowledge).^[281] Successive initiations are required to move through the various konesans,^[233] and it is in these konesans that priestly power is believed to reside.^[282]

The first initiation rite is the kanzo;^[283] this term also describes the initiate themselves.^[284] Initiation is generally expensive,^[285] complex,^[279] and requires significant preparation.^[115] Prospective initiates are for instance required to memorise many songs and learn the characteristics of various lwa.^[115] Vodouists believe the lwa may encourage an individual towards initiation, bringing misfortune upon them if they refuse.^[286]

Initiation will often be preceded by bathing in special preparations.^[287] The first part of the initiation rite is known as the kouche or huño, and is marked by salutations and offerings to the lwa.^[288] It begins with the chire ayizan, a ceremony in which palm leaves are frayed and then worn by the initiate.^[115] Sometimes the bat ge or batter guerre ("beating war") is performed instead, designed to beat away the old.^[115] During the rite, the initiate comes to be regarded as the child of a particular lwa, their mèt tèt.^[115]

This is followed by a period of seclusion within the djèvo known as the kouche.^[115] A deliberately uncomfortable experience,^[162] it involves the initiate sleeping on a mat on the floor, often with a stone for a pillow.^[289] They wear a white tunic,^[290] and a specific salt-free diet is followed.^[291] It includes a lav tèt ("head washing") to prepare the initiate for having the lwa enter and reside in their head.^[292] Voudoists believe that one of the two parts of the human soul, the gwo bonnanj, is removed from the initiate's head, thus making space for the lwa to enter and reside there.^[162]

The initiation ceremony requires the preparation of pot tèts (head pots), usually white porcelain cups with a lid in which a range of items are placed, including hair, food, herbs, and oils. These are regarded as a home for the spirits.^[293] After the period of seclusion in the djèvo, the new initiate is brought out and presented to the congregation; they are now referred to as ounsi lave tèt.^[115] When the new initiate is presented to the rest of the community, they carry their pot tèt on their head, before placing it on the altar.^[162] The final stage of the process involves the initiate being given an ason rattle.^[294] The initiation process is seen to have ended when the new initiate is first possessed by a lwa.^[162] Initiation is seen as creating a bond between a devotee and their tutelary lwa,^[295] and the former will often take on a new name that alludes to the name of this lwa.^[296] Finally, after the kouche, the new initiate may be expected to visit a Catholic church.^[297]

Shrines and altars

The creation of sacred works is important in Vodou.^[207] Votive objects used in Haiti are typically made from industrial materials, including iron, plastic, sequins, china, tinsel, and plaster.^[31] An altar, or pè, will often contain images (typically lithographs) of Roman Catholic saints.^[298] Since developing in the mid-19th century, chromolithography has also had an impact on Vodou imagery, facilitating the widespread availability of images of the Roman Catholic saints who are equated with the lwa.^[299] Various Vodouists have made use of varied available materials in constructing their shrines. Cosentino encountered a shrine in Port-au-Prince where Baron Samedi was represented by a plastic statue of Santa Claus wearing a black sombrero,^[300] and in another by a statue of Star Wars-character Darth Vader.^[301] In Port-au-Prince, it is common for Vodouists to include human skulls on their altar for the Gede.^[217] In ounfòs where both Rada and Petwo deities are worshipped, their altars are kept separate.^[302]

Various spaces other than the temple are used for Vodou ritual.^[303] Cemeteries are seen as places where spirits reside, making them suitable for certain rituals,^[303] especially to approach the spirits of the dead.^[304] In rural Haiti, cemeteries are often family owned and play a key role in family rituals.^[305] Crossroads are also ritual locations, selected as they are believed to be points of access to the spirit world.^[303] Other spaces used for Vodou rituals include Christian churches, rivers, the sea, fields, and markets.^[303]

Thumb — An *ason*, the ritual rattle emblematic of the Vodou priesthood

Certain trees are regarded as having spirits resident in them and are used as natural altars.^[242] Different species of tree are associated with different lwa; Oyu, for example, is linked with mango trees, and Danbala with bougainvillea.^[87] Selected trees in Haiti have had metal items affixed to them, serving as shrines to Ogou, who is associated with both iron and the roads.^[306] Spaces for ritual also appear in the homes of many Vodouists.^[307] These may vary from complex altars to more simple variants including only images of saints alongside candles and a rosary.^[36] Many practitioners will also have an altar devoted to their ancestors in their home, to which they direct offerings.^[308]

Drawings known as vèvè are sketched onto the floor of the peristil using cornmeal, ash, coffee grounds, or powdered eggshells;^[309] these are central to Vodou ritual.^[251] Usually arranged symmetrically around the poto-mitan,^[310] these designs sometimes incorporate letters;^[242] their purpose is to summon lwa.^[310] Inside the peristil, practitioners also unfurl ceremonial flags known as drapo (flags) at the start of a ceremony.^[311] Often made of silk or velvet and decorated with shiny objects such as sequins,^[312] the drapo often feature either the vèvè of specific lwa they are dedicated to or depictions of the associated Roman Catholic saint.^[155] These drapo are understood as points of entry through which the lwa can enter the peristil.^[313]

A batèms (baptism) is a ritual used to make an object a vessel for the lwa.^[314] Objects consecrated for ritual use are believed to contain a spiritual essence or power called nanm.^[315] The ason is a sacred rattle used in summoning the lwa,^[316] especially for Rada rites.^[317] It consists of an empty, dried gourd covered in beads and snake vertebra.^[318] Prior to being used in ritual it requires consecration.^[319] It is a symbol of the priesthood;^[319] assuming the duties of a manbo or oungan is referred to as "taking the ason."^[320] For Petwo rites a different rattle, the tcha-tcha, is favored.^[317] Another type of sacred object are the "thunder stones", often prehistoric axe-heads, which are associated with specific lwa and kept in oil to preserve their power.^[321]

Offerings and animal sacrifice

Feeding the lwa is of great importance,^[322] with offering rites often termed manje lwa ("feeding the lwa").^[323] Offering food and drink to the lwa is Vodou's most common ritual, conducted both communally and in the home.^[322] The choice of food and drink offered varies depending on the lwa in question, with different lwa believed to favor certain foodstuffs and beverages.^[324] Danbala for instance requires white foods, especially eggs,^[325] while Legba's offerings, whether meat, tubers, or vegetables, need to be grilled on a fire.^[322] The lwa of the Ogu and Nago nations prefer raw rum or clairin,^[322] while the lwa Ayizan avoids alcohol.^[326] Certain foods are also offered in the belief that they are intrinsically virtuous, such as grilled maize, peanuts, and cassava.^[178]

A manje sèk (dry meal) is an offering of grains, fruit, and vegetables that often precedes a simple ceremony; it takes its name from the absence of blood.^[327] Animal sacrifices are often favored at annual feasts that an oungan or manbo organizes for their congregation.^[178] Species used for sacrifice include chickens, goats, and bulls, with pigs often favored for Petwo lwa.^[328] The animal may be washed, dressed in the color of the specific lwa, and marked with food or water.^[329] Often, the animal's throat will be cut and the blood collected in a calabash.^[330] Chickens are often killed by the pulling off of their heads; their limbs may be broken beforehand.^[331] In the case of Agwé, a lwa of the sea, a white sheep may be sailed out to Trois Ilets and thrown overboard as a sacrifice.^[332]

Once killed, the animal may be butchered and organs removed, sometimes cooked, and placed on the altar or vèvè.^[333] Here, it sometimes sites within a kwi, a calabash shell bowl.^[334] Vodouists believe that the lwa consume the essence of the food.^[178] Food is typically offered when it is cool, and is left for a while before humans may eat it.^[334] Offerings not consumed by the celebrants are often buried or left at a crossroads.^[335] Libations might be poured into the ground.^[178]

The Dans

Vodou's nocturnal gatherings are often referred to as the dans ("dance"), reflecting the prominent role that dancing has in such ceremonies.^[254] Their purpose is to invite a lwa to enter the ritual space and possess one of the worshippers, through whom they can communicate with the congregation.^[336] The success of this procedure is predicated on mastering the different ritual actions and on getting the aesthetic right to please the lwa.^[336] The proceedings can last for the entirety of the night.^[254]

On arriving, the congregation typically disperse along the perimeter of the peristil.^[254] The ritual often begins with Roman Catholic prayers and hymns;^[337] these may be led by the prèt savann, although not all ounfò have anyone in this role.^[338] This is followed by the shaking of the ason rattle to summon the lwa.^[339] Two Haitian Creole songs, the Priyè Deyò ("Outside Prayers"), may then be sung, lasting from 45 minutes to an hour.^[340] The main lwa are then saluted, individually, in a specific order.^[340] Legba always comes first, as he is believed to open the way for the others.^[340] Each lwa may be offered either three or seven songs, which are specific to them.^[341]

The rites employed to call down the lwa vary depending on the nanchon in question.^[342] During large-scale ceremonies, the lwa are invited to appear through the drawing of vèvè on the ground using cornmeal.^[223] Also used to call down the spirits is a process of drumming, singing, prayers, and dances.^[223] Libations and offerings of food are made to the lwa, which includes animal sacrifices.^[223] The order and protocol for welcoming the lwa is referred to as regleman.^[343]

A symbol of the religion,^[344] the drum is perhaps the most sacred item in Vodou.^[345] Vodouists believe that ritual drums contain an etheric force, the nanm,^[346] and a spirit called ountò.^[347] Specific ceremonies accompany the construction of a drum so that it is considered suitable for ritual use.^[348] In the bay manje tanbou ("feeding of the drum") ritual, offerings are given to the drum itself.^[346] Reflecting its status, when Vodouists enter the peristil they customarily bow before the drums.^[349] Different types of drum are used, sometimes reserved for rituals devoted to specific lwa; Petwo rites for instance involve two types of drum, whereas Rada rituals require three.^[350] Ritual drummers are called tanbouryes,^[351] and becoming one requires a lengthy apprenticeship.^[352] The drumming style, choice of rhythm, and composition of the orchestra differs depending on which nation of lwa are being invoked.^[353] The drum rhythms typically generate a kase ("break"), which the master drummer will initiate to oppose the main rhythm being played by the rest of the drummers. This is seen as having a destabilizing effect on the dancers and helping to facilitate their possession.^[354]

Drumming is typically accompanied by singing,^[349] usually in Haitian Creole,^[355] although sometimes in Fon or Yoruba.^[356] These songs are often structured around a call and response, with a soloist singing a line and the chorus responding with either the same line or an abbreviated version.^[357] The soloist is the oundjenikon, who maintains the rhythm with a rattle.^[358] Lyrically simple and repetitive, these songs are invocations to summon a lwa.^[349] Dancing also plays a major role in ritual,^[359] utilising the rhythm of the drummers.^[357] The dances are simple, lacking complex choreography, and usually involve the dancers moving counterclockwise around the poto mitan.^[360] Specific dance movements can indicate the lwa or their nanchon being summoned;^[361] dances for Agwe for instance imitate swimming motions.^[362] Vodouists believe that the lwa renew themselves through the vitality of the dancers.^[363]

Spirit possession

Spirit possession is important,^[364] being central to many Vodou rituals.^[89] The person being possessed is called the chwal (horse);^[365] the act of possession is termed "mounting a horse".^[366] Vodou teaches that both male and female lwa can possess either men or women.^[367] Although children are often present at these ceremonies,^[368] they are rarely possessed as it is considered too dangerous.^[369] Some individuals attending the dance will put a certain item, often wax, in their hair or headgear to prevent possession.^[370] While the specific drums and songs used are designed to encourage a specific lwa to possess someone, sometimes an unexpected lwa appears and takes possession instead.^[371]

The possession trance is termed the kriz lwa.^[352] Vodouists believe that the lwa enters the head of the chwal and displaces their gwo bon anj,^[372] making the chwal tremble and convulse.^[373] As their consciousness has been removed from their head during the possession, Vodouists believe that the chwal will have no memory of the incident.^[374] The length of the possession varies, often lasting a few hours but sometimes several days.^[375] Sometimes a succession of lwa possess the same individual, one after the other.^[376] Possession may end with the chwal collapsing in a semi-conscious state,^[377] being left physically exhausted.^[363]

Once the lwa possesses an individual, the congregation greet it with a burst of song and dance.^[363] The chwal will typically bow before the officiating priest or priestess and prostrate before the poto mitan.^[378] The chwal is often escorted into an adjacent room where they are dressed in clothing associated with the possessing lwa. Alternatively, the clothes are brought out and they are dressed in the peristil itself.^[379] These costumes and props help the chwal take on the appearance of the lwa;^[357] many ounfò have a large wooden phallus used by those possessed by Gede lwa, for instance.^[380] Once the chwal has been dressed, congregants kiss the floor before them.^[367]

The chwal adopts the behavior of the possessing lwa;^[381] their performance can be very theatrical.^[371] Those believing themselves possessed by the serpent Danbala, for instance, often slither on the floor, dart out their tongue, and climb the posts of the peristil.^[130] Those possessed by Zaka, lwa of agriculture, will dress as a peasant in a straw hat with a clay pipe and will often speak in a rustic accent.^[382] The chwal will often join in with the dances,^[363] eat or drink.^[357] Sometimes the lwa, through the chwal, will engage in financial transactions with members of the congregation, for instance by selling them food that has been given as an offering or lending them money.^[383]

Possession facilitates direct communication between Vodouists and the lwa;^[363] through the chwal, the lwa communicates with their devotees, offering counsel, chastisement, blessings, warnings about the future, and healing.^[384] Lwa possession has a healing function, with the possessed individual expected to reveal possible cures to the ailments of those assembled.^[363] Clothing that the chwal touches is regarded as bringing luck.^[385] The lwa may also offer advice to the individual they are possessing; because the latter is not believed to retain any memory of the events, it is expected that other members of the congregation will pass along the lwa's message.^[385] In some instances, practitioners have reported being possessed at other times of ordinary life, such as when someone is in the middle of the market,^[386] or when they are asleep.^[387]

Divination

A common form of divination employed by oungan and manbo is to invoke a lwa into a pitcher, where it will then be asked questions.^[388] Other forms of divination used by Vodouists include the casting of shells,^[388] cartomancy,^[389] studying leaves, coffee grounds or cinders in a glass, or looking into a candle flame.^[390] A form of divination associated especially with Petwo lwa is the use of a gembo shell, sometimes with a mirror attached to one side and affixed at both ends to string. The string is twirled and the directions of the shell used to interpret the responses of the lwa.^[388]

Healing

Healing plays an important role in Vodou.^[391] A client will approach a manbo or oungan complaining of illness or misfortune and the latter will use divination to determine the cause and select a remedy.^[392] Manbo and oungan typically have a wide knowledge of plants and their medicinal uses.^[191] When collecting plants they are expected to show them respect, for instance by leaving coins in payment for removing leaves.^[393]

To heal, Vodou specialists often prescribe baths, consisting of water infused with various ingredients,^[394] or produce powders for a specific purpose, such as to attract good luck or aid seduction.^[395] Alternatively, they may create a material object infused with spirits or medicines, a wanga,^[396] although these can also be devoted to harmful purposes.^[397] Manbo and oungan often provide talismans,^[398] called a pwen (point),^[399] travay (work),^[400] travay maji (magic work),^[401] pakèt or pakèt kongo.^[402] The latter term highlights the potential influence of the Bakongo minkisi on these Haitian ritual creations.^[403]

In Haiti, oungan or manbo may advise their clients to seek assistance from medical professionals, while the latter may also send their patients to see an oungan or manbo.^[238] Although in the late 20th century there were concerns that the Haitian reliance on oungan and manbo was contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS,^[404] by the early 21st century, various NGOs and other groups were working on bringing Vodou officiants into the broader campaign against the virus.^[405] In Haiti, there are also doktè fèy ("herb doctors"; "leaf doctors") who offer herbal remedies for ailments but deal in fewer problems than oungan and manbo.^[406]

Harming practices

Vodou teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate many problems.^[407] It holds that humans can cause supernatural harm to others, either unintentionally or deliberately,^[408] in the latter case exerting power over a person through possession of hair or nail clippings belonging to them.^[409] Vodouists also often believe that supernatural harm can be caused by other entities. The lougawou is a human, usually female, who transforms into an animal and drains blood from sleeping victims,^[410] while members of the Bizango secret society are feared for their reputed ability to transform into dogs, in which form they walk the streets at night.^[411]

An individual who turns to the lwa to harm others is a choché,^[187] or a bòkò,^[412] although this latter term can also refer to an oungan generally.^[187] They are described as someone who sert des deux mains ("serves with both hands"),^[413] or is travaillant des deux mains ("working with both hands").^[224] As the good lwa have rejected them as unworthy, bòko are believed to work with lwa achte ("bought lwa"),^[414] spirits that will work for anyone who pays them,^[415] and often members of the Petwo nanchon.^[416] According to Haitian popular belief, bòkò engage in anvwamò ("expeditions"), setting the dead against an individual to cause the latter's sudden illness and death,^[417] and utilise baka, malevolent spirits sometimes in animal form.^[418] In Haiti, there is much suspicion and censure toward those suspected of being bòkò.^[224] The curses of the bòkò are believed to be countered by the oungan and manbo, who can revert the curse through an exorcism that incorporates invocations of protective lwa, massages, and baths.^[419] In Haiti, some oungan and manbo have been accused of working with a bòkò, arranging for the latter to curse individuals so that they can financially profit from removing these curses.^[224]

Funerals, the dead, and zonbis

Vodou features complex funerary customs.^[421] Following an individual's death, the desounen ritual frees the gwo bonnanj from their body and disconnects them from their tutelary lwa.^[422] The corpse is then bathed in a herbal infusion by an individual termed the benyè, who gives the dead person messages to take with them.^[423] A wake, the veye, follows.^[424] The body is then buried in the cemetery,^[425] often according to Roman Catholic custom.^[426]

In northern Haiti, an additional rite takes place at the ounfò on the day of the funeral, the kase kanari (breaking of the clay pot). In this, a jar is washed in substances including kleren, placed within a trench dug into the peristil floor, and smashed. The trench is then refilled.^[427] The night after the funeral, the novena takes place at the home of the deceased, involving Roman Catholic prayers;^[428] a mass for them is held a year after death,^[429] sometimes performed by a prèt savann.^[430] Vodouists fear the dead's ability to harm the living;^[431] it is believed that the deceased may for instance punish their living relatives if the latter fail to appropriately mourn them.^[432]

Many Vodouists believe that a practitioner's spirit dwells in the land of Ginen, located at the bottom of a lake or river, for a year and a day.^[433] A year and a day after death, the wete mò nan dlo ("extracting the dead from the waters of the abyss") ritual may take place, in which the deceased's gwo bonnanj is reclaimed from the realm of the dead and placed into a clay jar or bottle called the govi. Now ensconced in the world of the living, the gwo bonnanj of this ancestor is deemed capable of assisting its descendants and guiding them with its wisdom.^[434] Practitioners sometimes believe that failing to conduct this ritual can result in misfortune, illness, and death for the family of the deceased.^[435] Offerings then given to this spirit of the dead are termed manje mò.^[436] The notion of a spirit being encased in a vessel and then used for workings likely derives from Bakongo influences,^[437] and has similarities with the Bakongo-derived Palo religion from Cuba.^[438]

Another belief about the dead, that of zonbis, is one of the most sensationalized aspects of Haitian religion.^[440] Zonbi are often regarded as the gwo bonnanj of the recently deceased that have been captured and forced to work for their master.^[441] The gwo bonnanj may then be kept inside a bottle or other vessel.^[442] The practice is often linked to Chanpwèl (secret societies), which are suspected of murdering the individual they wish to turn into a zonbi.^[443] To achieve this, they may obtain the bones of a deceased person, especially their skull, sometimes by bribing cemetery workers;^[444] the skull will often be baptised, given food, and set a particular task to specialise in, such as healing a specific malady.^[48] Those intending to take a gwo bonnanj as a zonbi may have to borrow or buy them from Baron Samedi.^[445]

An alternative idea in Haitian lore is that it is the body that is turned into a zonbi,^[446] in which case a bòkò has seized an individual's ti bonnanj and left the body as an empty vessel that can be manipulated.^[447] The reality of this phenomenon is contested,^[445] although the anthropologist Wade Davis argued that this was based on a real practice whereby Bizango societies used poisons to make certain individuals more pliant.^[448] Haitians generally do not fear zonbis, but rather fear becoming one themselves.^[447] The figure of the zonbi has also been interpreted as a metaphor for the enslavement central to Haitian history.^[449]

Festival

On the saints' days of the Roman Catholic calendar, Vodouists often hold "birthday parties" for the lwa associated with the saint whose day it is.^[450] These are marked with special altars for the celebrated lwa,^[451] as well as the preparation of their preferred food.^[452] Devotions to the Gede are particularly common around the days of the dead, All Saints (1 November) and All Souls (2 November),^[453] with celebrations largely taking place in the cemeteries of Port-au-Prince.^[454] At this festival, those devoted to the Gede dress in black and purple, with funeral frock coats, black veils, and top hats, all linking to the Gede's associations with death.^[455]

The build-up to Easter sees Rara bands, largely consisting of peasants and the urban poor, process through the streets singing and dancing.^[456] Each Rara band is considered to be under the patronage of a particular lwa, holding a contract with them that typically lasts seven years.^[457] Performing Rara is regarded as a service to the lwa,^[458] and some Rara leaders claim that a lwa instructed them to form their band.^[459] An oungan will typically be part of the Rara band and will oversee their religious obligations, for instance performing rituals during their procession,^[460] or providing members with a benyen protective bath before they perform.^[461] They may also attempt to curse or poison rival Rara bands.^[462]

Pilgrimage

Pilgrimage is part of Haitian religious culture.^[463] In July, Vodouist pilgrims visit Plaine du Nord near Bwa Caiman, where according to legend the Haitian Revolution began. There, sacrifices are made and pilgrims immerse themselves in the twou (mud pits).^[464] The pilgrims often mass before the Church of Saint Jacques, with Saint Jacques perceived as being the lwa Ogou.^[465] Another popular pilgrimage site, again typically visited in July, is Saut d'Eau ("waterfall") or Sodo, located outside the village of Ville-Bonheur where the Virgin Mary (Èzili) allegedly appeared in the 1840s. At the site, pilgrims bathe under waterfalls associated with water-spirits like Danbala.^[466]

Haitian pilgrims commonly wear coloured ropes around their head or waist;^[463] a tradition that may derive from a Bakongo custom, kanga ("to tie"), during which sacred objects were bound with rope.^[467] Haitians abroad have also established pilgrimage sites, with thousands of Haitians visiting the Church of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in East Harlem, New York City for the feast day of the Virgin, whom the Vodouists in attendance interpret as Èzili Dantò.^[468]