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Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

Indian anti-government conflict since 1967 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Naxalite–Maoist insurgency
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The Naxalite–Maoist insurgency, a conflict waged by left-wing extremist (LWE) groups following a Maoist political ideology and claim to be fighting a rural people's war against the Indian government,[28][29][30] began with the 1967 Naxalbari uprising and the subsequent split from the Communist Party of India (Marxist), leading to the formation of a Marxist–Leninist faction that later splintered into smaller groups. Declared terrorist organisations under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act of India (1967), the Naxalites' armed wing, the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army, has been responsible for the deaths of over 4,000 civilians and 2,500 security personnel since the 2000s.[31][32][33][34]

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Due to government's people-oriented infrastructure development and counter-insurgency efforts, Naxals' influence zone - the red corridor in Central and East India - has shrunk dramatically from a peak of nearly 180 districts in the late 2000s to just 12 districts by 2025,[35][36] with over 10,000 insurgents surrendering between 2015 and 2025.[37]

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History

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Further information: Timeline of the Naxalite–Maoist insurgency

Formation and early years (late 1960s to 1970s)

Further information: Naxalbari uprising

In 1967, a faction of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) led by Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal called the "Siliguri group" wanted a protracted people's war in India similar to the Chinese Communist Revolution and Majumdar wrote the Historic Eight Documents which became the foundation of the Naxalite movement.[38][39] The party was part of a coalition government in West Bengal. Majumdar believed that the party would support his doctrine with other leaders like land minister Hare Krishna Konar who had been supporting his rhetoric suggesting that "the militant confiscation of land was integral to the party's programme."[40][41] However, the party did not approve of the armed uprising, which led to internal conflict with the sympathizers of the group.[42]

In March 1967, a few peasant workers seized a plot of land from its jotedar. In May 1967, the Siliguri Kishan Sabha, of which Santhal was the president, declared their support for the movement initiated by Sanyal and their readiness to adopt an armed struggle to redistribute land to the landless.[43] The group advocated initiation of armed struggle and in Naxalbari in West Bengal, the peasants fought when a sharecropper of tribal background, who had been given land by the courts under the tenancy laws, was attacked by the previous landlord's men. When the police arrived, they were ambushed by a group led by Santhal, and in the ensuing fight, 11 people including a police inspector were killed.[44][45][46] In November 1967, a group led by Sushital Ray Chowdhury organised the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR).[47]

The uprising led to the formation of Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI-ML) in April 1969, which was announced by Sanyal at a mass meeting in Calcutta.[48] It inspired similar movements in states like Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala.[49] In 1971, Satyanarayan Singh revolted against the leadership and split the CPI-ML into two, forming a separate provisional committee.[50] The Naxalites gained presence among the radical sections of the student groups in Calcutta.[51] Students left school to join the Naxalites and Majumdar declared that the revolutionary warfare was to take place not only in the rural areas as before, but now everywhere and spontaneously. He also declared an "annihilation line" and issued a dictum to assassinate individual "class enemies" such as landlords, businessmen, teachers, police officers, politicians and others.[52][53]

In response, the Government of West Bengal instituted countermeasures against the Naxalites. The insurgents clashed with the West Bengal Police and CPI-M cadres. With the public rejection of Majumdar's calls for extrajudicial killings, Naxalites alleged human rights violations by the state government, which responded that "the state was effectively fighting a civil war and that democratic pleasantries had no place in a war, especially when the opponent did not fight within the norms of democracy and civility".[46] With the support of the central government, Operation Steeplechase was launched with the aid of the paramilitary forces of the Indian Armed Forces, which resulted in the killing and imprisoning of suspected Naxalites and their cadres, including senior leaders.[54][55] In July 1972, Majumdar was arrested by the West Bengal Police and he later died in police custody.[56][57] After his death, the CPI-ML split into further factions such as the Mahadev Mukherjee faction and the CPI-ML Liberation in 1972.[58] By 1973, the main leaders of the Naxalites were either eliminated or arrested.[59][60] As a result of both external repression and a failure to maintain internal unity, the movement degenerated into extreme sectarianism and the original party fractured into more than 40 separate small groups.[61]

Further growth and government action (1980s to late 1990s)

The late 1970s saw the spread of Naxalism to other states of India.[62] Though the first wave of insurgent violence ended badly, it did not eliminate the movement altogether. The insurgency arose in South India in the early 1980s and on 22 April 1980, the Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) People's War, commonly called as People's War Group (PWG) was founded by Kondapalli Seetharamaiah.[63] He sought a more efficient structure in attacks and followed the principles of Majumdar. The insurgents kidnapped landlords and forced them to confess to crimes, apologize to villagers, and repay forced bribes. By the early 1980s, the insurgents had established a stronghold and sanctuary along the Andhra Pradesh–Orissa border.[64]

In 1985, the Naxalites began ambushing police forces and killed N.Yadagiri Reddy, a sub-inspector of police in Warangal district of Andhra Pradesh. In response, a special task force called the Greyhounds was formed by the Government of Andhra Pradesh.[65] The governments of Andhra Pradesh and Orissa quelled down the rebels with a variety of counterinsurgency measures. The states established special laws that enabled police to capture and detain Naxalite cadres, fighters and presumed supporters.[66] They invited additional central paramilitary forces, set up organisations to attract youth away from the Naxalites, started rehabilitation programs for those who surrendered.[67] In the 1990s, several incidents of mass murders happened in Bihar wherein Maoists killed members of the land-owning Bhumihar community, who then retaliated through militias.[68][69][70]

Peak of insurgency (2000s)

On 2 December 2000, the armed wing of the Maoists called the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army was founded and mostly equipped with small arms.[71][72][46] On 1 October 2003, the Naxalites attacked a convoy of then Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh Chandrababu Naidu en route to Tirumala, in which the Chief Minister was injured.[73] In response, the Andhra Pradesh government embarked on a rapid modernisation of its police force and up-gradation of its technical and operational capabilities to fight the insurgents and about 246 insurgents were killed during the year.[74][27] In September 2004, the CPI-Maoist was founded through the merger of the People's War Group, and the Maoist Communist Centre of India.[75] In January 2005, peace talks between the Andhra Pradesh government and the Maoists broke down after the government had not agreed to the release of prisoners and to redistribution of land.[72] In August 2005, the government of Andhra Pradesh outlawed the CPI-Maoist party and other affiliated organisations and arrested suspected members and sympathizers of the group.[76][77]

The Maoists orchestrated several attacks on government facilities across various states. They freed prisoners after attacks on prisons and stole weapons from government facilities.[78][79][80] They also attacked anti-Maoist protesters, took hostages and killed those who opposed them.[81][82][83] Police men and security forces were targeted in ambushes using automatic weapons and improvised explosive devices.[84] In 2007, the Maoists killed Member of Parliament Sunil Mahato in Jharkhand and a local leader in Andhra Pradesh.[85][86] They were also involved in local protests against the establishment of Special Economic Zones and killed tribal youths of counter militia organisations.[87][88] In 2008, Naxal attacks increased in Orissa, which inflicted multiple casualties on the security forces.[89][90][91][92] On average, 700 people were killed in the conflict every year from 2005 to 2008.[27]

Between 2009 and 2010 the conflict escalated turning these two years into the deadliest with more than 1000 casualties annually.[27] The Indian government announced a nationwide initiative called the Integrated Action Plan for broad coordinated operations aimed at combatting and undermining support for the Naxalites in selected states. The plan included funding for grass-roots economic development projects in the affected areas and increased special police funding for containment and reduction of Naxalite influence.[93][94]

Counter-action and decline (2010s–present)

Further information: Operation Green Hunt

In 2009, the Indian government launched a massive military offensive, code named Operation Green Hunt and planned to deploy nearly 50,000 soldiers over two years, with the objectives of eliminating Naxal insurgents and bringing stability to the regions.[95] The Maoists targeted security personnel involved in the operations against them with major attacks such as the Silda camp attack, Dantewada ambush and 2010 Dantewada bus bombing.[96][97][98] They also killed civilians suspected of helping the government and those who were involved in building public infrastructure.[99][100][101] Naxalites carried out a series of attacks, including shootings and bombings across Indian states and the security forces retaliated in response.[102][103] Naxalites were also suspected of attempted train derailments.[104][105]

In early 2010s, Karnataka was removed from the list of Naxal-affected states.[106] The Government of Madhya Pradesh claimed that the Naxal insurgency has reduced in the state and attributed its success to the rural development schemes.[107] In July 2011, the central government announced that the number of Naxal-affected areas were reduced to 83 districts across nine states.[108] Senior Maoist leaders were killed by the security forces, and many were arrested.[109][110] In early 2012, the Naxalites kidnapped foreign nationals and a Member of the Legislative Assembly in Odisha to force the government to release its cadres held as prisoners.[111] In May 2013, a Naxal attack in Chhattisgarh resulted in the deaths of 24 Indian National Congress leaders including the former state minister Mahendra Karma and the Chhattisgarh Congress chief Nand Kumar Patel.[112]

In the later 2010s, while the Maoists continued to carry out planned attacks such as the 2014 Chhattisgarh attack, the 2017 Sukma attack and the 2018 Sukma attack, the security forces were able to retaliate in response.[113][114][115][116] The security forces engaged in multiple gun battles which resulted in more than 1000 Maoists being killed in the late 2010s.[27][117][118] In September 2018, the Naxalites killed Member of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly Kidari Sarveswara Rao and former member Siveri Soma in Araku Valley.[119] The Kerala Police eliminated the presence of Maoists in Kerala in 2019.[120]

Sporadic attacks such as the 2021 Sukma–Bijapur attack and 2023 Dantewada bombing on security personnel and civilians continued into the 2020s.[121][122][123][124] The anti-insurgency operations also intensified with higher success rate resulting in the death or capture of several insurgent leaders.[125][126][127] The Naxal influence reduced to about 70 districts in 2021 of which only 25 were most affected from a high of 180 districts in the late 2000s.[128][129] Though there was a sporadic increase in Naxal activity in parts of Telangana, West Bengal and Madhya Pradesh,[130][131][132][133] the Maoist activity have relatively suppressed due to the increase in anti-terror operations conducted by the security forces in 2024. Operations like the 2024 Kanker clash and the 2024 Abujhmarh clash resulted in a great loss of personnel and material for the Maoists.[134][135] In 2025 an IED attack in Bijapur District left 9 people killed.

On 14 May 2025, Indian authorities declared a 21-day anti-Maoists operation named Operation Black Forest (Operation Kagar) has ended with 31 insurgents killed. The Home Minister declared the operation which took place at the Karregutta (Kurraguttalu) Hills, one of the last critical Naxal stronghold on the Chhattisgarh-Telangana border, is one the biggest ever operation against Naxalism.[136] The operation involving over 20,000 personels with the help of drones and helicopters determined to flush out more than 1,000 fighters belong to the Batallion 1 of the People's Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA) along with others from the Maoist Dandakaranya Committee (DKSZC) and the Telangana Committee (TSC). [137] Three Greyhound commandos were killed by a mine blast during the operation. [138] Other anti-Naxilites operations are being carried out in the Abujhmarh forest area and the south-east region of Bastar district. On 21 May, Nambala Keshava Rao, also known as Basavaraju, was killed alongside 26 other Naxals.[139] His death was hailed by the Indian security establishment as one of the "most decisive blows to the Maoist insurgency" in recent history.[140] He is said to be the "mastermind" behind some major attacks including the 2018 Sukma IED attack, the 2019 Gadchiroli landmine blast, and the 2025 Bijapur IED attack.[141]

In August of 2025, after Operation Kagar, Naxalites continued to fight against the Indian state. On 29 July, three security personel were injured in Chhattisgarh as a consequence of an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) blast in Sukma and Maoists also blew up the railway track between Karampada and Rengda on the Jharkhand-Odisha border.[142]

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Red corridor - Maoist extremist geographical influence zone

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Main article: Red corridor
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Areas with Naxalite activity in 2007 (left), in 2013 (centre), and in 2018 (right)

The influence zone of the Naxalites is called the red corridor.[129] The most affected districts accounted for 85% of the left wing extremist incidents in India.[129][143]

Till 2010: peak spread

In the late 2000s, the insurgency was its peak with nearly 180 affected districts across an area of 92,000 km2 (36,000 sq mi) and has been on the decline since then.[128]

2010 onwards: steady decline

Following government counter-insurgency efforts, the number of Naxalite-affected districts in India has declined significantly, from 126 affected with 35 "most affected" in 2018[144][145] to 70 affected with 25 "most affected" in 2021,[129] then to just 38 affected in 2024,[146] and only 12 affected and 6 "most affected" by April 2025,[147][148][149] with activity largely concentrated in the Dandakaranya and the Jharkhand-Bihar-West Bengal border.[150][151] From 2015-2025, over 10,000 Naxal insurgents have surrendered to the government security forces.[37]

In 2025, most 6 affected districts across 3 states were Maharashtra (Gadchiroli), Jharkhand (West Singhbhum) and Chhattisgarh (Bijapur Kanker, Narayanpur, and Sukma),[148] 6 affected districts across 4 states were Andhra Pradesh (Alluri Sitarama Raju), Madhya Pradesh (Balaghat), Telangana (Bhadradri-Kothagudem), and Odisha (Kandhamal, Kalahandi and Malkangiri).[149]

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Government response

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National security threat assessment

In 2011, then Prime Minister of India Manmohan Singh called the Naxalites the "single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country" and "development is the master remedy to win over people", adding that the government was "strengthening the development work in the 60 Maoist-affected districts.[152] In 2010, Home secretary Gopal Krishna Pillai acknowledged that there were legitimate grievances regarding the local people's access to the forest land and produce and the distribution of benefits from mining and hydropower developments. However, he claimed that the Naxalites' long-term goal was to establish an Indian communist state and the government wanted to tackle the Naxalites head-on to take back the lost areas.[153]

Infrastructure development

The Indian government launched three schemes, Special Central Assistance (SCA), Security Related Expenditure (SRE), and Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS) - for development in Naxal-affected areas. As of 2025, significant progress has been made since 2014-15 with more than 10,000 projects, of which 85% were complete, including:[154][155][156]

  • Roads: 14,618 km (9,083 mi) roads constructed out of 17,600 km (10,900 mi) planned.
  • Telecommunication: 7,768 mobile telephone towers commissioned out of 10,505 planned.
  • Financial Inclusion: 1,007 bank branches opened out of 1236 planned, 937 ATMs opened out of 1077 planned, and 5,731 new post offices offering financial services opened.
  • Education: 179 Eklavya Model Residential Schools operational out of 234 approved, 46 Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs) and 49 Skill Development Centres (SDCs) are also operational.
  • Women self-help groups and industries were established by various state governments. Government of Madhya Pradesh aided 23,113 women self-help groups covering 274,000 families in the affected districts and established 18 industries that would employ 4000 people. Additionally, loans to tribals were waived, and land right ownership documents were granted.[157]
  • Security infrastructure: 621 fortified security camps and police stations opened.

Counter-insurgency militia and vigilante groups

Since late 1990, several armed anti-insurgency vigilante groups have were backed by the government to fight against the Maoists. In Chhattisgarh, Salwa Judum, consisted of local tribal youth was formed received support and training from the Government of Chhattisgarh, as an anti-insurgency vigilante group aimed at countering the violence in the region in 2005.[158] Various other paramilitary vigilante groups had emerged in other states such Andhra Pradesh, some of these groups were accused of extra-judicial murders of civil liberties activists.[159][160] According to the Institute of Peace and Conflict studies, while Naxal groups recruited children in different capacities and exposed them, the same accusation was levelled at Salwa Judum and the special police officers assisting the government security forces.[161] The allegations against Salwa Judum and the special police officers were rejected by a Supreme Court of India-appointed fact-finding commission of the National Human Rights Commission of India which determined that the Salwa Judum was a spontaneous reaction by tribals against Maoist atrocities perpetrated against them.[162]

On July 5, 2011, the Supreme Court of India declared militia groups such as the Salwa Judum to be illegal and unconstitutional, ordering their disbandment, the confiscation of their weapons, and a government investigation into their alleged criminal activities and human rights violations.[163]

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Casualties

The Naxalites have conducted multiple attacks on the security forces, government workers and civilians, with casualties on both sides.[164][27][165] To enforce their control over the population, the Maoists have often convened kangaroo courts to mete out summary justice, death, beatings, or exile.[166]

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In popular culture

Books

  • Maoism in India: Reincarnation of Ultra-Left Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century, 2009 book by Bidyut Chakrabarty and Rajat Kumar Kujur. The authors assess the ideological aspects of the Maoist movement and argue that it reflects the disenfranchisement of marginalized communities due to flawed development planning.[168]
  • The Naxal Threat: Causes, State Response and Consequences, 2011 book by V. R. Raghavan. This volume compiles papers from a workshop on the Naxalite movement, examining its socio-political and economic dimensions, as well as the state's response.[169]

Film

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References

Further reading

External links

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