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Tisza Party

Political party in Hungary From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tisza Party
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The Respect and Freedom Party (Hungarian: Tisztelet és Szabadság Párt [ˈtistɛlɛt ˈeːʃ ˈsɒbɒt͡ʃːaːɡ ˈpaːrt], TISZA), commonly referred to as the Tisza Party (Hungarian: Tisza Párt [ˈtisɒ ˈpaːrt]), is a populist political party in Hungary that was founded in 2020. It rapidly gained in prominence when former Fidesz party member Péter Magyar joined; members of his non-party movement "Stand up Hungarians Community" occupied the majority of places to contest the 2024 European Parliament election,[25] and on 9 June 2024, the party won 7 seats in the European Parliament.[26]

Quick Facts Respect and Freedom Party Tisztelet és Szabadság Párt, Abbreviation ...
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History

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Formation and name

The party was founded in 2020 by Attila Szabó and Boldizsár Deák, and planned to contest the upcoming election in 2022.[27] The party rejected state funds and instead relied on donations and personal wealth of its members. While it collected 222,000 forints, the party could not run in the elections that year.[25]

The name Tisza was formed as a portmanteau with the first letters of tisztelet (respect) and szabadság (freedom) spelling out the name of Hungary's second-largest river. The name is used as a motif in party campaigns, with current leader Magyar often referencing it;[28] a popular slogan at his rallies has been 'the Tisza flood is coming!'[29]

Péter Magyar's involvement

The party remained relatively inactive until 2024. Péter Magyar, the former Fidesz politician and ex-husband of a former justice minister Judit Varga, came onto the political scene after the pardoning scandal in which President Katalin Novák pardoned a man who tried to cover up pedophile crimes. Varga, as Minister of Justice, also had to sign the pardons and was therefore complicit in the scandal. Magyar organised his first protest on 15 March, the anniversary of the beginning of the 1848 Hungarian Revolution. Events were also held by both the government and the traditional opposition parties, but his demonstration attracted the largest crowds.[30]

After this, Magyar proceeded to cause yet another scandal for the government, as he published a recording relating to the Schadl-Völner corruption case involving two senior officials.[31] In the recording, his ex-wife—the Minister of Justice at the time—admitted that documents relating to the trial had been altered at the orders of the government.[32] As he presented this information to the jury, a protest crowd of around one thousand gathered outside, demanding the resignation of the government.[33]

In March 2024, Magyar announced he wished to contest the 2024 European parliament election. However, he could not found his own party due to election deadlines and registration processes.[34][35] Prior to the announcement of which party Magyar would join, pollsters like the government-aligned Nézőpont Institute suggested that a Magyar-led list could win multiple seats and 13% of the vote.[36] Eventually, in April, it was announced that Magyar would join TISZA.[37] He was elected as one of the party's vice presidents, as well as the top candidate on TISZA's EU parliament list.[38] The party came second, with almost 30% of the vote and 7 seats; this performance was characterised by the media as a challenge to the ruling Fidesz of Viktor Orbán.[39][40][41] Magyar initially did not take his seat and had said he would not do so during the election campaign. He decided to put it up to a vote on the party's website: over 75% voted in favour of him taking a seat, and as such he was one of the 7 TISZA MEPs.[42]

In July 2024, Magyar then assumed the leadership of the party from founder Attila Szabó, who was instead given the title of "honorary president".

Run up to the 2026 parliamentary election

Grassroots support

Following the European parliament result, TISZA began to build up a membership and a local base, as the party had not had much success prior to Magyar's involvement. In order to build up a base across the country and be able to effectively contest more rural constituencies in the 2026 Hungarian election, the party set up 'TISZA islands', a network of local supporters and potential candidates. As of January 2025, analysis of social media suggested that there were 208 'islands', with over 20,000 members in total.[43]

Moreover, Magyar conducted press stunts such as walking across the country with supporters.[44][45][46]

'Voice of the nation'

In March 2025, Magyar announced that he would launch an informal 'referendum' questionnaire, asking people 13 (12+1) questions. The questionnaire could be filled out online or in person, and would inform the party's policy.[47]

There were 1,137,266 responses to the questionnaire. Most questions saw over 90% of respondents vote in favour, though the final (+1) question on Ukraine's position in the EU was more contested, with 58% in favour.[48] The full results are as follows:[48][49]

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2025 Nagykanizsa conference

On 12 July, the party held its second congress, in Nagykanizsa. The event wat attended by several thousand people.[50]

At the congress, the party announced that they would hold closed primaries for all their constituency candidates, with members choosing, in rounds, 1 out of 3 approved candidates.[51]

During Magyar's speech to the congress, he set out his plans for if TISZA were to win the 2026 election, saying they would need to act immediately to kickstart the country, with the motto of this work being "System change, peacefully, responsibly."[52] Magyar labelled this plan the 'Hungarian New Deal',[53] and it primarily focused on what they would invest the money he argues they can reclaim from the EU on.[54] Much of the policy built upon that voted on in the 'voice of the nation' questionnaire.[54]

Magyar also announced that the party would hold more events in the countryside, as TISZA is less strong there. He said that he would be touring the country in 80 days, and doing many tours up until the election next year.[55][54]

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Ideology and policy

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Prior to Magyar, Tisza was a minor conservative party,[56] which defined itself as being 'ideology-free'.[57][27]

Under Magyar, Tisza Party is a centre-right political party and a member of the European People's Party Group (EPP Group).[18][19] Tisza/Magyar, often conflated due to Magyar's dominance over the party, have been described variously as a coming under the 'centrist anti-establishment party' umbrella,[14] a conservative,[6][58][7] or national conservative.[29] However, the party has avoided taking clear ideological positions to appeal to the widest electoral coalition possible.[59]

Magyar chose Tisza due to similarities in views about an ideologically neutral centrist grassroot organization.[60] He often spoke about creating a "third political force" in Hungary to abolish the System of National Cooperation (NER), which Fidesz uses to maintain control over society at large.[61][62][63] He defended free speech after multiple members were fired from their civil jobs after appearing at demonstrations.[64]

Corruption

Magyar hosted multiple protests against the 'mafia state' and the allegedly corrupt NER.[33] Magyar has claimed that the Fidesz government has been enriching its allies and that a few families ran the entire country.[65] The party has ruled out cooperation with the opposition since it regards them as complicit with the government.[66][67]

To stop the 'industrial-scale' corruption,[68] Magyar wishes to take steps such as joining the European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO) and making the judiciary independent.[69] This would come alongside strengthening checks and balances in the political system, and not prosecuting political opponents.[69]

The party also proposed declassifying the agent files from the Communist era to shed light on personal wealth gains during the rapid privatization period in the 1990s.[70]

Democracy

Magyar has called for the President of Hungary to become a directly-elected position.[71][72] He has also pledged to abolish the benefits for former presidents.[73]

A long-standing policy of Tisza, and one supported by Magyar, is to put term-limits on elected positions,[74] and the party has proposed holding a referendum to limit the Prime Minister to serving a maximum of 2 terms (8 years).[75]

Economy and public services

Magyar has stated that a top priority for a Tisza government would be to recover the €20 billion of EU funds that the EU Commission withheld due to the Fidesz administration breaching EU law.[76] He plans to use these funds to 'kick-start' the economy and help smaller businesses.[69][77]

Magyar also supports the creation of national minimums, such as on energy and welfare.[69]

Foreign policy and immigration

The party holds a pro-European stance.[29] Without providing evidence to such effect, Orbán has claimed that TISZA is the European Commission's preferred 'puppet government' to succeed the Fidesz administration.[78]

Tisza supports the Fidesz government's position against sending weapons or troops to support Ukraine following Russia's invasion.[79] The party also is opposed to Ukraine's accelerated EU accession.[77] Orbán has attempted to paint the party as pro-Ukraine, including accusations from the government that Ukraine was using Magyar to undermine them; however, no evidence has been provided to back such claims up.[80]

Tisza supports strict migration regulations[81] similar to those of the Fidesz government, but has criticised the incumbent government for bringing thousands of non-EU migrant workers into the country.[29]

Social issues

The party has broadly strayed away from talking about or having opinions on particular social issues. Magyar has refused to engage with 'culture war' issues, suggesting talking about it is falling for 'government propaganda'.[82] The party was also cautious surrounding 2025 Budapest Pride, not reacting to the event or the ban until the day of the event, when Magyar claimed it showed that Orbán had lost popularity.[83][84]

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Attacks against the party

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The party has alleged that it has been the victim of attacks and allegations from several figures and organisations, often linked to the Fidesz government.

Targeting Magyar

In May 2025, a new regulation was passed that changed the rules on asset declaration, which was widely considered to be targeting Magyar and potentially remove his mandate as MEP.[85] As a result, Magyar and all other MEPs made their assets public.[86][87]

In June 2025, a suspension of Magyar's MEP immunity was requested following several prosecution cases against him, including defamation cases tabled by MPs (one from Fidesz, one from Our Homeland Movement), which he claims is politically motivated. Magyar said that he would waive his immunity if the Hungarian government joined the EPPO.[88][89][90]

Targeting the party at large

During the 'voice of the nation' questionnaire, there were several reports that Tisza activists manning public stalls were attacked,[91] which the party claimed was incited by PM Orbán. Magyar also made claims that Fidesz would stage attacks on their own party figures dressed as Tisza activists.[92]

Magyar claimed that the Hungarian minority rights party in Romania, RMDSZ, acted as spies for Fidesz in the EPP Group in the European Parliament.[93][94]

The party has claimed there have been blackmail attempts against various Tisza politicians.[95]

In June 2025, an informal volunteer platform hosted on Discord had a data breach that was leaked to the press, which affected around 500 volunteers. The party claimed that this was a 'Russian-style smear campaign'.[96][97][98] The Discord server was shut down following the incident.[99]

Election results

European Parliament

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General Assembly of Budapest

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  1. Magyar did not take his seat in the Budapest assembly, so the first TISZA representative on the list elected was Eszter Ordas.[100]
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Leadership

President

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References

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