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Retainers and fee'd men of Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury

Fifteenth-century English northern magnate From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury (1400 – 31 December 1460) was a fifteenth-century English northern magnate. He was the eldest son by the second wife of Ralph Neville, 1st Earl of Westmorland,[1] from whom he inherited vast estates in Yorkshire[2] and the North West of England.[3] He was a loyal Lancastrian for most of his life, serving the king, Henry VI, in France, on the border with Scotland, and in many of the periodic crises of the reign. He finally joined York in his last rebellion in the late 1450s and became a Yorkist leader during the early parts of the Wars of the Roses.[4] This led directly to his death following the Battle of Wakefield in December 1460, when he was captured and subsequently put to death in Pontefract Castle.[5]

Salisbury is one of the leading magnates for whom historians lack information regarding his expenditure on annuities while having some idea as to that on retainers.[6] As the historian Michael Hicks has put it, Salisbury attempted to extend the power and influence of his family, not just through the traditional route of marrying his children into local gentry families, but also using contracts and retaining "to bind to him important individuals of rank or domicile naturally beyond his ambit". Retainers were themselves then able—and expected—to raise their own tenants when required for a lords service; Salisbury relied on this in 1459 when those he summoned could themselves "call on tenants and friends in times of trouble".[7] Tenants in general, argues Hicks, "bulked much larger in noble retinues of war than has been supposed" and themselves bought their household and tenantry with them: "every gentleman had his household and tenants to back him up".[8] Lawyers were particularly useful to a lord, and Salisbury recruited among them heavily; they had a duty to attend his council meetings as well as represent him in court.[9]

Hicks identifies different degrees of proximity to the earl through his retaining. Men such as John Conyers, James Strangways and Danby, for example, could be deemed "senior retainers" while others, including Thomas Whitham, John Middleton and John Ireland, would have been considered "lesser officials".[10] They would often join Salisbury on royal commissions, such as in 1440 when William FitzHugh, Christopher Conyers and Robert Danby sat with the earl on an enquiry into a petition from the burgesses of Richmond, North Yorkshire.[11][note 1] When the civil wars broke out again in 1459, many of his retainers "rode with Richard Earl of Salisbury and Sir John Neville", his son, to meet Richard, Duke of York at Ludlow Castle.[7] Pollard has identified two broad groups of retainer for Salisbury. Firstly, men who were both geographically close to the nexus of earl's power at Middleham Castle and of social importance in the area—Conyers, FitzRandolph, Metcalfe, Mountford, Routh and Wandesford. Secondly—and to Pollard 'perhaps the more interesting' group—were those retainers of his who lived and operated in what he calls 'enemy territory'. That is, Neville of Brancepeth-controlled estates and those of the Percys. In the former were retainers such as Ralph Pullen and Thomas Lumley in Lower Weardale and Raby. The latter, retained in Percy territory included Robert Ogle of Morpeth, Northumberland, and John Middleton of Belsay.[13] Lords though were not always fighting each other, and at such times their retainers likewise worked together. For example, even though it was little over a month before the Percy–Neville feud broke out into outright violence, in July 1453[14] James Strangways, Salisbury's man, was sheriff and oversaw the election of two Percy retainers to parliament, and the attestors contained a mix of sympathisers to both.[15]

In the 15th century the North of England was effectively divided among four great landholders: between the crown (as duke of Lancaster), the Duke of York, the Percys and the Nevilles, headed by the Earl of Salisbury. Since the first two were absentee landlords, it was the latter pair who had regional political power,[16] and by the 1450s Salisbury was the most powerful of them. Much of Salisbury's power came from his official position as warden of the west March: this effectively allowed him to raise and maintain a private army among the local gentry[17]—"the best natural source of fighting men in the country"[18]—at the crown's expense.[17] Comments Dockray that the earl[19]

Could confidently expect backing from an impressive line-up of fellow northerners, ranging from baronial houses such as the Greystokes of Greystoke, the Fitzhughs of Ravensworth and the Scropes of Bolton to greater gentry families such as the Strangeways of West Harlsey, the Pickerings of Ellerton, the Haryngtons of Hornby (in Lancashire) and the Conyers of Hornby (in Richmondshire).[19]

Salisbury, for their part, was not just a good opposition to them because of his great wealth, attractive though that must have been in terms of his ability to pay fees,[note 2] but also for his direct contacts with the king's council and the royal family.[17] Salisbury's retainers themselves interconnected, especially in Yorkshire. James Strangways married into the Darcy family, as did John Conyers of Hornby, and Boynton's connection with Fitzhugh probably led to Boynton's appointment as counsel for St Leonard's Hospital, York.[21] Sir John Savile—Sheriff of Yorkshire in 1454—and married Salisbury's retainer Sir Thomas Harrington's daughter.[22] Also, William Fitzhugh's son and heir married Salisbury's daughter Alice,[23] and Sir John Langton, Sheriff of Yorkshire 1424, "had family connections with the Nevilles and Harringtons".[24] Both Stockdale[25] and Boynton, on the other hand, were retained by Salisbury and Lord Fitzhugh, himself retained similarly.[25] Likewise both Pickering and Savile had close connections with York as while being retained by Salisbury.[26] Retained loyalties could be more powerful than presumed loyalties, such as to the crown.[17] Some of the earl's connections may have been highly personal ones, given that in some cases they flourished under Salisbury but did not continue under Warwick.[27]

Hicks also notes the difficulties in ascertaining precise relationships, even though it is known they must have existed in great number; after all, he comments, a fragment of the Middleham receiver's roll of 1458–1459 indicates that the massive sum of 20% of income from the honour was spent on fees and retaining.[10] Salisbury's heavy recruitment[28] among Richmondshire families has been called his "Middleham Connection", as they often provided retainers over multiple generations. The Conyers' family tree, for example, argues Horrox, "is virtually a roll-call of the Neville retinue" in the mid-15th century.[29] While some olf these fees were paid for life service, most were pro tempore, yet nonetheless extensive for being so.[30][note 3] Another scholar has commented that, although Salisbury "virtually monopolised" the major Duchy of Lancaster offices in the area, "yet evidence to connect any of the West Riding gentry with these lords is embarrassingly slight".[31]

Many of Salisbury's retainers and their families flourished under the subsequent Yorkist regime. in July 1462 Walter Strickland, for example, received a general pardon for all offences—up to and including treason and murder—committed under Henry VI.[32] Richard Tunstall, nephew of John, became a squire of the body and later king's carver.[33] Robert Percy became Comptroller of Edward IV's Household, while sons of the Birnands were esquires of the Household and John Pullen was appointed a serjeant of the cellar.[34]

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Salisbury's retaining and timeline of the political context

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Notes

  1. Note that at the time he heard this petition from the burgesses of Richmond, Salisbury was himself a burgess of the town on account of his owning property within it.[12]
  2. A typical contemporary use of the term "fee" is given by John Leland in a list of Northumberland's 1486 retainers: Robert Constable was, the earl willed, to "be payed his fee duryng his lyve, he doyng his service unto my heires as he dothe unto me".[20]
  3. Pollard notes that Salisbury's rival, Henry, Earl of Northumberland was spending up to a third of his annual income on fees and retaining; "was Salisbury matching him?"[30]
  4. Occasionally rendered Brennand.[76]
  5. John's brother was by now dead and Plumpton had deprived him of his inheritance, taking the lands for his own son.
    In theory the process was legal, as it was recorded on the court rolls that no heir had come forward to claim the land, but given Plumpton's devious nature and land-grabbing tendencies one wonders whether the details were made public in court; Birnand later claimed that attempts to pay an entry fine had been rebuffed by Plumpton. Small wonder that the Birnands were implacable enemies of Plumpton and had been recruited to the Neville cause.[77]
    By 1459, Plumpton, although nominally royal steward, had lost control of the region; neither his summons to court nor his physical presence were influencing events.[78]
  6. As were the other salisbury retainers Ralph, Richard and John Pullan, William, John and Richard Wakefield, Richard Louther, William Parker and Robert Percy. How many of these mustered but did not travel south with Salisbury is unknown.[80]
  7. Medievalist Christopher Liddy also notes that Boynton was not only close to Ralp, but also to his circle, as he acted as executor of the wills of "two of Ralph's most trusted associates", John Morton of York and John Conyers of Hornby in 1412.[81]
  8. Beauchamp was both the foremost earl of the kingdom and Salisbury's son-in-law.[84]
  9. Hios widow was to marry Richard Ratcliffe, a close associate of Richard, Duke of Gloucester[85] and "rat" of William Collingbourne's dogerell.[86]
  10. Also rendered de la More.
  11. Richard Clervaux had extensive business interests among Salisbury's retainers, including James Strangways, John Conyers, Thomas Mountford and Christopher Boynton. Pollard notes that, after salisbury's death, "Clervaux drew closer to the Middleham connection, although he does not appear to have become a feed member of it".[109]
  12. Colin Richmond casts doubt on the strength of Hopton's and Salisbury's relationship, however, arguing that whatever connection they had,
    ... It can hardly have been a close connection, and probably connection is altogether too weighty (and weighted) a word to describe what may have been the most tenuous, the most distant of relationships. Dare we even call what may only have been a nodding acquaintanceship a relationship?[129]
  13. Musgrave's indenture of retaining is interesting, says historian J. W.Armstrong, because it is one of only a few to contain a clause saving his allegiance to other people, in this case, Musgrave's brother-in-law, John, Lord Clifford and father-in-law Thomas, Lord Dacre.[141]
  14. Booth suggests that,
    Such legal protection was of little use in the heat of battle, but full-blooded civil war was hardly expected when the indenture was made. This rather strange clause shows above all else that Salisbury was seen as a man of honour, since there would have been little point in insisting on its inclusion if there had been no expectation of it being kept, but the language also reveals his contempt for his impertinent vassal.[143]
  15. Although the grant was not officially made until 1451.[152]
  16. To the extent that Dockray says,
    It is certainly difficult to understand why Richard of York allowed himself to be manoeuvred into fighting a battle at all... It is odd, too, that, with such veteran campaigners as Richard Neville Earl of Salisbury, Sir Thomas Harrington and Sir Thomas Parre in his team, he was not prevailed upon to hold back from what really does seem to have been an extraordinarily rash decision to engage a much larger army on grounds of its own choosing.[157]
  17. This is Robert Percy the elder; his son and namesake is the individual who grew up at Middleham Castle under the tutelage of the Earl of Warwick, and in doing so became close friends with the future Richard III and Francis, Lord Lovell.[159] Described by Nigel Saul as one of Richard III's "closest intimates", he fought on the king's side at the Battle of Bosworth and died there in 1485.[160][161]
  18. After the accession of Edward IV, Percy sued Plumpton in chancery alleging that when Percy had been captured after Wakefield, Plumpton had tried to have him beheaded.[163]
  19. A medieval English mark was an accounting unit equivalent to two-thirds of a pound.[175]
  20. Or Pullein[7]
  21. Receiving £1 6s 8d; he is listed on one the only surviving list of Salisbury's retainers from 1456–1459.[7]
  22. The name is suggested to come from Whixley, a village a few miles northwest of York.[183]
    Although more modern scholarship—for instance that of Elizabeth Dearnley[184] and R. F. Yeager—have proposed Robert de Quixley, prior of Nostell Priory, Wakefield, as the translator. The latter considering the suggestion that Quixley gave a copy of his translation to his daughter Alice on her wedding day, remarks, "Well, perhaps. Who knows what the Quixley père et fille were like at home? But in general, balade sequences fulminating against adultery are not what most fathers think of as wedding gifts for daughters".[185]
  23. His primary manor of Thornhill was only 7 miles (11 km) from the battlefield.[191]
  24. Confusingly, there is an unconnected Stapleton family of Wigghill, headed by John Stapleton, a retainer of the Earl of Northumberland who had fought at Heworth in 1454 and was killed with his lord at the first Battle of St Albans.[199]
  25. Historian K. B. McFarlane described this as "'a commodious escape route' for the retainer".[210]
  26. James Strangways was himself in receipt of an annuity from his future brother-in-law the duke of Norfolk between 1413 and 1423.[212]
  27. Strangways' indenture of retaining contains a clause saving his allegiance to two relatives of Salisbury and Strangways' own "'kynne and alies... within the thride degree of mariage".[141]
  28. Talbot was to be made Earl of Shrewsbury in May that year.[224]
  29. His grant contained a clause stating that it would be void if found to have been granted to anyone else previously; "such qualifying clauses were not usually to be found under other kings, who would have delayed making any grant until a clerk could check whether or not it was still in the king's gift", notes historian James Ross.[225]
  30. This included 11 householdmen, 55 from his Natland manor, 75 from Stainton, 16 from Hencaster, 48 from Siggiswyke, 34 from Whynfield, 32 from Wynder, and 26 from Hackthorp. His potential army included 69 archers with horses and light armour, 74 horsed and harnessed billmen, and 147 infantry wilding a mixture of bows and bills.[230]
  31. Culminating with the Battle of Sark that October.[232]
  32. For example, that of 1459 looking into the disposal of Lord Dacre's lands, in which Tunstall was joined by Sir Thomas Neville, Salisbury's second son, and Sir Thomas Parr and Thomas Delamore.[236]
  33. In the vicinity of Salisbury's castle at Sheriff Hutton.[240]
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