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2012 Dual Universal Suffrage (Hong Kong)

Demand for 2012 Hong Kong electoral reform From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

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The 2012 Dual Universal Suffrage was the demand by many Hong Kong residents for the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government to implement universal suffrage in the 2012 Chief Executive election and to elect all Legislative Council seats through universal suffrage (genuine universal suffrage [zh]). This proposal emerged after the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) rejected the implementation of dual universal suffrage in 2007 and 2008. It was first proposed by the pro-Beijing political party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB), in mid-May 2005.[1] Although the proposal gained majority support from Legislative Council members in 2005, it was ultimately not accepted by Beijing. By 2007, the DAB shifted its support to universal suffrage for the Chief Executive in 2017 and the Legislative Council in 2020.

In the end, the NPCSC decided that neither the Chief Executive nor the Legislative Council elections in 2012 would implement full universal suffrage.

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History

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Background

Pro-democracy camp in Hong Kong began advocating for a democratic political system in the 1980s, starting with the call for direct elections in 1988. Regional direct elections were first introduced in the Legislative Council in 1991. In 1995, the United Nations Human Rights Council criticized Hong Kong's functional constituency election system, stating it violated Articles 2(1), 25, and 26 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.[2] As a result, the pro-democracy camp argued for the immediate abolition of functional constituencies and the full implementation of universal suffrage in the Legislative Council.

During the 1990s, Hong Kong's three major political parties—the Democratic Party,[3] the DAB, and the Liberal Party—were all in favor of dual universal suffrage for 2007 and 2008.

The protest on July 1, 2003 saw over 500,000 citizens marching not only to oppose legislation under Article 23 of the Basic Law but also to demand dual universal suffrage in the 2007 and 2008 Chief Executive and Legislative Council elections.[4]

2004

  • January 10: The United Kingdom and the United States reiterated their support for the will of the Hong Kong people, expressing that democracy should be achieved through political reform and universal suffrage. Tens of thousands of Hong Kong citizens participated in a New Year's Day march advocating for universal suffrage.[5]
  • March: The Constitutional Development Task Force in Hong Kong released its First Report.[6]
  • April 6: The Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC) provided interpretations on four issues within Annex I, Article 7, and Annex II, Article 3, of the Basic Law:[7]
  1. Whether "after 2007" includes the year 2007.
  2. Whether the phrase "if necessary" implies mandatory amendments.
  3. Who determines the need for amendments and who proposes amendment bills.
  4. Whether the current arrangements remain valid if no amendments are made.
  • April 9: The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) revised its platform from advocating for "universal suffrage in 2007/08" to "universal suffrage in 2012."
  • April 15: The Constitutional Development Task Force in Hong Kong released its Second Report, summarizing public opinions gathered over two months on the principles regarding Hong Kong's constitutional development as outlined in the Basic Law.[8]

On the same day, the Chief Executive submitted a Report to the NPCSC, requesting a decision on the possibility of universal suffrage in 2007/08.[9]

  • April 26: The 10th NPCSC's 9th meeting passed a decision on the methods for selecting the Chief Executive in 2007 and forming the Legislative Council in 2008. The decision specified that the Chief Executive in 2007 would not be elected through universal suffrage. Furthermore, half of the Legislative Council in 2008 would be elected via universal suffrage, while the other half would remain functional constituencies. This decision delayed Hong Kong's progress toward full universal suffrage.[10]
  • May 11: The Constitutional Development Task Force in Hong Kong released its Third Report, detailing the existing methods for electing the Chief Executive and Legislative Council, along with potential areas for amendments under the Basic Law.[11]
  • June 23: The Article 45 Concern Group proposed that political reforms should prioritize expanding the electorate base.
  • December 15: Chief Executive Donald Tsang expressed hope to prioritize amendments to the election methods for the Chief Executive and Legislative Council. However, he refrained from setting a timetable for universal suffrage. The Fourth Report was also released on the same day.[12] Tsang noted that society was deeply divided on the issue and that the problem was complex. He did not rule out conducting a territory-wide public opinion survey to gather views.[13] Lee Wing-tat, then-chairman of the Democratic Party, criticized the Fourth Report as "caged consultation," while the DAB expressed its support.
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References

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