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Gen Z protests in Asia

Protests and revolutions in South and Southeast Asia in the 2020s From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Gen Z protests in Asia
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Since the early 2020s, a series of mostly youth-led anti-government protests and uprisings have spread across South and Southeast Asia, with several leading to massive reforms and regime change. These protests began as a response to widespread corruption, nepotism, economic inequality and mismanagement, authoritarianism, and democratic backsliding.[1][2] The term "Asian Spring" has been unofficially coined to describe these events, citing their similarities to the Arab Spring, though "Asian Uprising", "Gen Z protests", and "Gen Z revolutions" have also been used. The protests in Bangladesh in 2024 are widely cited as the first successful Gen Z revolution in the world,[3][4][5][6] followed by protests in Asian countries including Nepal, Indonesia, Philippines, Timor-Leste, and the Maldives.[7][8][9][10][11]

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The protests have been notable for the leading role taken by Generation Z, especially students, with social media and internet activism being playing a key role in organizing the protests.[12][13][14][15] Several affected governments enacted social media bans as a result.[16][17][18] Symbols in popular culture, such as the flag of the Straw Hat Pirates from the Japanese manga series One Piece, have been adopted by protestors across Asia to support their cause.[19][20][21] Governments were overthrown in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal;[22] while protests in Indonesia and Timor-Leste achieved reversals of unpopular policies.[23][24][25] Mass protests are ongoing in the Philippines.[a]

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Causes

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Economic pressures

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Bangladeshi student in shackles carrying a sign saying "Break down the shackles of those quotas" during 2024 quota reform movement. The government job quota system, which reserved 30% seats for the descendants of war veterans, had been described discriminatory, nepotistic & corrupted by the protest agitators that attributed to widespread dissatisfaction among young job seekers of the country.

A central factor uniting many Generation Z protest movements in Asia is economic hardship and limited opportunities. Large youth populations in several countries face high rates of unemployment and underemployment, alongside rising living costs, contributing to a sense of precarity. Scholars have described these conditions as leaving young people in ‘economically precarious’ situations, struggling to secure stable employment or adequate wages. According to a 2024 six-country study by the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, ‘unemployment and recession’ ranked as the most pressing concern among Southeast Asian youth, with 89% of respondents expressing worry, followed by the ‘widening socio-economic gap,’ cited by around 85%.[32] Persistent income inequality, often compounded by corruption, has reinforced perceptions of injustice. Analysts have observed that recent youth uprisings in South Asia have been driven primarily by material hardship, with poverty, inflation, and unmet basic needs intensifying public frustration and contributing to broader social unrest.[33] A 2025 Carnegie Endowment analysis similarly identified widening wealth gaps and concerns over a bleak economic future as factors fueling youth activism and demands for relief from deepening social and economic inequalities.[34] For example, in Sri Lanka, the 2022 protest movement emerged amid severe economic turmoil marked by surging inflation, acute shortages of fuel and medicine, and prolonged power outages in the aftermath of its economic crisis. The collapse of the national economy severely disrupted livelihoods and caused daily hardship for much of the population.[35] Many of the predominantly young protesters viewed the crisis as the result of long-term economic mismanagement and were motivated by basic concerns of survival; for much of Sri Lanka’s youth, politics had come to represent a struggle for survival, dignity, and the right to be heard.[36]

The persistent youth unemployment crisis has intensified these grievances. Despite post-COVID-19 pandemic economic recovery in some countries, stable and adequately paid jobs for young adults remain limited. Many members of Generation Z report feeling excluded from the benefits of economic growth, viewing it as a lost ‘demographic dividend’. In South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia, large youth populations have not been matched by sufficient employment opportunities, resulting in growing frustration when economic expansion fails to generate jobs or when young people are confined to informal, insecure, and poorly remunerated work.[37] An August 2024 report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) observed that, although overall unemployment rates had improved following the COVID-19 pandemic, Asia-Pacific's economic anxieties among the youth continued to increase. Surveys cited in the report found that majorities of respondents expressed stress over job loss, job stability, and broader economic conditions, showing persistent uncertainty about their future prospects.[38] Widespread economic precarity, compounded by rising costs of living for essentials such as fuel, food, and housing, has contributed to mounting dissatisfaction among Generation Z. In Nepal, youth anger crystallized around a viral image of a minister’s son displaying luxury goods during an economic downturn, which was widely interpreted as emblematic of inequality in a country with a gross domestic product per capita below US$1,500 and where roughly four-fifths of the workforce is employed in the informal sector.[34]

Socio-economic pressures have contributed to a perception among many members of Generation Z that they lack a secure future under existing conditions. In countries such as China, India, and across Southeast Asia, young people have reported being disproportionately affected by unaffordable housing and limited access to quality employment, often in contrast with the experiences of earlier generations. Public institutions are frequently viewed as unresponsive to youth unemployment and ineffective in addressing rising living costs, which bred cynicism and discontent.[39] The weakening of upward mobility has left many young people frustrated, and such conditions have provided fertile ground for protest movements. When access to education, stable employment, and opportunities for advancement are perceived as unattainable, Generation Z has shown a greater willingness to engage in demonstrations to express grievances and demand change.[40][39]

Nepotism and lawmaker perks

During a break in the 2025 Annual Session of the DPR and DPD RI, several members of parliament were shown dancing, which drew mass criticism from netizens amid economic hardship (15 August 2025).[41]

Generation Z protests in several Asian countries have also been characterized as uprisings against entrenched elite rule, reflecting frustration with decades of corruption, nepotism, and oligarchic dominance. Across South Asia, many young protesters have explicitly targeted what they describe as powerful political dynasties and a wealthy, discredited elite, whom they blame for undermining democracy and economic opportunity.[42][43]

In Sri Lanka, the Rajapaksa family’s long-standing political dominance was a central target of the 2022 Aragalaya movement. Over the years, members of the family occupied key positions in government two brothers alternated as president and prime minister, another served as speaker of parliament, and several relatives held senior posts, prompting widespread accusations of nepotism and corruption.[44][45] The resulting concentration of power was widely associated with policy mismanagement that contributed to the country’s economic collapse.[46][47] The Aragalaya protests were therefore viewed not only as a demand for President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation but as a broader revolt against systemic corruption and elite capture,[48] with participants calling for a ‘system change’ and an end to cronyism and graft.[49][50]

A comparable unfolded in Bangladesh during the 2024 youth-led movement known as the “Student–People’s Revolution.” Initially triggered by opposition to a government job quota reserving 30% of civil service positions for certain groups, including descendants of war veterans, the protests reflected broader dissatisfaction with what participants saw as nepotistic and exclusionary governance. Demonstrators denounced corruption, favoritism, and what they perceived as an increasingly authoritarian and kleptocratic political system. Their demands soon expanded beyond the quota issue to calls for merit-based recruitment, free elections, and an end to political elitism.[43] On social media and in the streets, Bangladeshi students condemned nepotism embedded in the reinstated civil-service quota that reserved 30% of jobs for descendants of independence fighters, arguing it disproportionately favored ruling-party loyalists and shut out merit amid high youth unemployment.[51][52]

In Indonesia, student and youth-led protests in late August 2025 zeroed in on lawmakers’ perks, mainly especially a Rp50 million/month housing allowance reportedly paid to all 580 DPR Parliament members since September 2024, triggering clashes outside Parliament in Jakarta on 25 August and spotlighting anger over elite privilege amid economic strain and youth unemployment.[53] The allowance’s legal basis had been set out earlier in the DPR letter which became a focal point in media and legal explainers as demonstrators pressed for repeal.[54] On the onset of the killing of Affan Kurniawan, a deadly week of unrest, and the looting of houses owned by rich lawmakers, the law on controversial perks and curb overseas trips were revoked by president Prabowo under a move that was framed as a response to the mounting death toll and public outrage.[55] Echoing the region's "perks" backlash, mid-September 2025 in Timor-Leste, thousands of mostly university students rallied in Dili against a budget item to buy 65 Toyota Prado SUVs for its MPs (about US$4.2 million in total).[56] The protests then pivoted to a broader demand to scrap lifetime pensions perks for lawmakers (and some senior officials).[57] Timorense youth protesters explicitly framed MPs as "self-serving" with lavish perks (US$4.2m for 65 SUVs and lifetime pensions) and marching with banners like “Stop thieves/stop corrupters,” which cast lawmakers’ perks as greedy and illegitimate in one of the region’s poorest countries and issues of high inequality, malnutrition and unemployment.[58][59][60]

In Nepal, recent youth-led protests focused on what demonstrators described as entrenched political elites and a pervasive culture of corruption and privilege. Protesters criticized officials’ perks and allowances and railed against nepotism, alleging that positions and advantages go to friends and family rather than on merit.[61][62] Public outrage intensified after reports circulated that the teenage daughter of a senior official had been chauffeured in a government vehicle that struck and injured a schoolgirl, an incident that became emblematic of perceptions that the ‘children of political elites’ acted with impunity.[63][64] In Kathmandu, students carried school textbooks during demonstrations to symbolize the perceived futility of education in a system dominated by nepotism, expressing frustration that hard work and merit were often overshadowed by political connections.[65] The motif fed a broader sentiment that meritocracy has been undermined by patronage, deepening generational anger. Analysts link this unrest to long-standing elite capture and insufficient inclusive development, while Gen-Z protesters cast their movement as a challenge to "business as usual" politics that benefits political power and resources to benefit a privileged few at the expense of the wider public.[66][67]

Corruption and distrust

See also: Corruption in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Nepal, Timor-Leste, and the Phillipines
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A map of all countries surveyed by Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index.

A significant motivator for Generation Z protests is discontent with corruption, nepotism, and the perceived entrenchment of political elites. Across Asia, many young people view their governments as dominated by longstanding elites who retain power and wealth while ordinary citizens face economic challenges.[68][69] Analysts note that frustration with corruption is particularly pronounced among members of Generation Z, who held more interest of scandals and displays of excess among political leaders.[32][70] This has contributed to what some observers describe as a widening gap between young people and public institutions, as youth express declining trust in elites seen as prioritizing self-enrichment over public service.[71][40]

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Timorense youth protestors. Left: "I'm ugly because of the tattoos, but I'm not a mafioso like the 65 MPs." Right: "Abolish the lifetime pension completely, down with the greedy MPs."

Generation Z protests have also been driven by declining trust in government institutions and frustration with governance failures. Government inefficiency, unresponsive bureaucracies, and heavy-handed crackdowns have contributed to a perception among youth that existing systems are ineffective or broken. Studies have noted a ‘collective lack of trust’ among young people in Asia regarding political and economic institutions’ ability to address their concerns in a timely or effective way.[72][73] Leaders are often perceived as failing to provide adequate public services, employment, or justice except to well-connected groups. Government responses to peaceful dissent through repression or violence have further eroded legitimacy.[74] Recent South Asian uprisings has concluded that harsh state crackdowns represented ‘fatal miscalculations’ that intensified youth mobilization. For example, protests in Sri Lanka in 2022 and Bangladesh in 2024 escalated after authorities’ responses were seen to have ruptured the social contract and undermined remaining trust.[75][76][73] In parts of Southeast Asia, authoritarian or semi-authoritarian governance has provoked youth-led movements calling for democracy and civil liberties. Observers note that while earlier generations may have tolerated restrictions on political freedoms, many young people today reject authoritarian and dynastic systems that they view as jeopardizing their rights.[77] A Kadence International survey notes that less than half of youths in Southeast Asia (49%) trust their governments, with trust levels significantly lower in some countries (only ~42% in Malaysia, for instance).[78] Whilst the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute documents sustained youth activism online/offline and stark cross-country gaps in satisfaction with the political system, with Indonesia 71.5% and the Philippines 61.4% being the most dissatisfied with their governments in Southeast Asia; directly linking optimism/trust to issues like transparency and corruption.[32] Scholars have described these movements as part of a broader generational struggle, with youth activists explicitly resisting oligarchic and authoritarian norms across the region.[40]

In several countries, Generation Z has expressed the view that political leadership is dominated by gerontocratic elites who are perceived as disconnected from younger generations. Public institutions are often seen as ‘bastions of well-connected insiders’ focused on preserving power rather than addressing youth concerns.[79][80] This has contributed to what analysts describe as a crisis of confidence, with many young Asians regarding their governments as lacking transparency and accountability. According to the United Nations Development Programme, the rise in youth activism has emerged as a response to this erosion of trust, with young people demanding a greater role in shaping decisions that affect their future. The UNDP further observes that governments’ failure to incorporate youth perspectives or respond to their grievances diminishes institutional credibility.[81] In contexts where governance is perceived as ineffective or unjust, and formal avenues for redress appear inaccessible, protest has become a key means for Generation Z to demand accountability and reform.[81][80]

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Precursor protests

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Sri Lanka

Further information: Aragalaya

The Aragalaya (Sinhala: අරගලය, lit. 'The Struggle') was a series of mass protests that began in March 2022 against the government of Sri Lanka. The government was heavily criticized for mismanaging the Sri Lankan economy, which led to a subsequent economic crisis involving severe inflation, daily blackouts, and a shortage of fuel, domestic gas, and other essential goods. The protesters' main demand was the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and key officials from the Rajapaksa family. Despite the involvement of several opposition parties, most protesters considered themselves to be apolitical, with many expressing discontent with the parliamentary opposition.[82] Protesters chanted slogans such as "Go Home Gota", "Go Home Rajapaksas",[83][84] and "Aragalayata Jaya Wewa" ("Victory to the struggle").[85] Most protests were organized by the general public,[86][87] with youths playing a major part by carrying out protests at Galle Face Green.[88][89][90][91]

The government reacted to the protests with authoritarian methods, such as declaring a state of emergency, allowing the military to arrest civilians, imposing curfews, and restricting access to social media. The government violated the law and the Sri Lankan constitution by attempting to suppress the protests.[29][92][93] The Sri Lankan diaspora also began demonstrations against the suppression of basic human rights in the country.[94][95] In April, the government's ban on social media was perceived to have backfired; hashtags such as #GoHomeGota, which is believed to have been coined by an activist called Pathum Kerner in December 2021, had begun trending on Twitter internationally. The government's ban was lifted later that day. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka condemned the government's actions and summoned officials responsible for the blocking and abuse of protesters.[18][96]

On 3 April, all 26 members of the Second Gotabaya Rajapaksa cabinet resigned with the exception of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. Critics said that the resignation was not valid as they did not follow constitutional protocol[97][98][99] and several of the ministers who "resigned" were reinstated in different ministries the next day.[100] Chief government whip Johnston Fernando insisted that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa would not resign under any circumstances.[101] The protests, however, led to the removal of officials and ministers, including members of the Rajapaksa family and their close associates, and to the appointment of more qualified and veteran officials and the creation of the Advisory Group on Multilateral Engagement and Debt Sustainability.[102]

On 9th of July 2022, protesters occupied the President's House in Colombo, causing Rajapaksa to flee and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to announce his own willingness to resign.[103] About a week later, on 20 July, Parliament elected Wickremesinghe as President.[104] By November 2022, the protests had largely cooled off due to improvement in economic conditions. While the protests were mostly over, it was noted that it would take until 2026 for full economic recovery to be achieved.[105][106]

Bangladesh

July Revolution

Further information: July Revolution (Bangladesh)

The July Revolution,[b] also known as the July Mass Uprising,[c] Gen Z revolution,[107][108] or the Student-People's Uprising,[d] was a mass uprising in Bangladesh in 2024.[109][110][111][112][113] It began as a quota reform movement in early June 2024, led by the Students Against Discrimination, after the Bangladesh Supreme Court invalidated the government's 2018 circular regarding job quotas in the public sector. Coinciding with the first anniversary of the resignation of Sheikh Hasina, on 5 August 2025, the revolution received constitutional acknowledgment with the announcement of the July Declaration, and it has been described as the world's first Gen Z revolution.[114][115][116]

The movement escalated into a full-fledged mass uprising after the government carried out mass killings of protesters, known as the July massacre, by late July.[117] Amnesty International blamed Hasina's government's "heavy-handed response" for causing the death of "students, journalists, and bystanders" and demanded that the Hasina-led "government of Bangladesh urgently end this repression."[118] Human Rights Watch had also called on foreign governments to urge Hasina to "end the use of excessive force against protesters and hold troops to account for human rights abuses."[119] HRW's deputy Asia director had also highlighted "unfettered security force abuses against anyone who opposes the Sheikh Hasina government."[119]

By early August, the movement evolved into a non-cooperation movement, ultimately leading to the ouster of the then-prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, who fled to India. Hasina's ouster triggered a constitutional crisis, leading to the formation of an interim government led by economist Muhammad Yunus, as the chief adviser.

2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement
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A group of students demonstrating in the quota reform movement in Shahbag, Dhaka
Further information: 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement

The 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement was a series of anti-government[120][121][122][123] and pro-democracy[124][125][126][127] protests in Bangladesh, spearheaded primarily by university students. Initially focused on restructuring quota-based systems for government job recruitment, the movement expanded against what many perceived as an authoritarian government when government-associated groups carried out the July massacre of protestors and civilians, most of whom were students.[128][129][130][131] Started as a student movement, the movement later escalated into a fully-fledged mass uprising known as the July Revolution.

The protest began in June 2024, in response to the Supreme Court of Bangladesh reinstating a 30% quota for descendants of freedom fighters, reversing the government decision made in response to the 2018 Bangladesh quota reform movement. Students began to feel like they have a limited opportunity based on merit. The protest quickly spread throughout the entire country because of the government's violent response, as well as growing public dissatisfaction against an oppressive government. The situation was further complicated by many other ongoing issues, like the government's inability to manage a prolonged economic downturn, reports of rampant corruption and human rights violations, and the absence of democratic channels for initiating changes.[132][133][134][135]

The government sought to suppress the protests by shutting down all educational institutions. They deployed their student wing, the Chhatra League, along with other factions of the Awami League party. These groups resorted to using firearms and sharp weapons against the demonstrators.[136][137][138] The government then deployed Police, RAB, BGB and other armed forces, declaring a nationwide shoot-at-sight curfew[30][139][140] amid an unprecedented government-ordered nationwide internet and mobile connectivity blackout that effectively isolated Bangladesh from the rest of the world.[141][142] Later, the government also blocked social media in Bangladesh. Government forces cordoned off parts of the capital city of Dhaka and conducted Block Raids, randomly picking up anyone they suspected having links to the protest, causing fear among the city residents.[143] As of August 2, there were 215 confirmed deaths, more than 20,000 injuries,[144][145] and more than 11,000 arrests.[146][147][148][149] The unofficial death toll was between 300 and 500.[150] UNICEF reported that at least 32 children were killed during July's protests, with many more injured and detained.[151][152] Determining the exact number of deaths has been difficult because the government reportedly restricted hospitals from sharing information with the media without police permission, hospital CCTV footage was confiscated, and numerous individuals with gunshot wounds were buried without identification.[153][154][155]

The Awami League government, led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have suggested that political opponents have co-opted the protest.[156][157] Despite the curfew restrictions the movement remained ongoing as it expanded its demands to include accountability for violence, a ban on the student wing of the government Chhatra League, and resignation of certain government officials,[158] including the resignation of Prime Minister Hasina.[159] The government's use of widespread violence against the general public turned the student protest into a people's uprising known as the Non-Cooperation Movement.[160][161][162][163]

Non-cooperation movement
Further information: Non-cooperation movement (2024)

The non-cooperation movement,[e] also known as the one-point movement,[f] was a pro-democratic disinvestment movement and a mass uprising against the Awami League-led government of Bangladesh, initiated within the framework of 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement. The sole demand of this movement was the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet.[164][165] It was the final stage of the wider movement known as the July Revolution. Although the movement was initially limited to the goal of reforming quotas in government jobs, it snowballed into a mass anti-government uprising after the mass killings against civilians. The movement was also fueled by ongoing socio-economic and political issues, including the government's mismanagement of the national economy, rampant corruption by government officials, human rights violations, allegations of undermining the country's sovereignty by Sheikh Hasina, and increasing authoritarianism and democratic backsliding.[166][167][168]

On 3 August 2024, coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Students Movement announced a one-point demand for the resignation of the Prime Minister and her cabinet and called for "comprehensive non-cooperation".[165][169] The following day, violent clashes broke out, resulting in the deaths of 97 people, including students. The coordinators called for a long march to Dhaka to force Hasina out of power on 5 August. That day, a large crowd of protesters made its way through the capital.[170] At around 3:00 p.m. (UTC+6), Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled to India, her government's biggest ally.[171] Widespread celebrations and violence occurred following her removal, while the military and President Mohammed Shahabuddin announced the formation of an interim government led by economist and Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.[172] Meanwhile, Indian media outlets were seen engaging in a widespread disinformation campaign aimed at destabilising Bangladesh, following Hasina's resignation and departure to India.[173][174]

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Protest movements by country

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Indonesia

Further information: 2025 Indonesian protests
See also: 2025 Pati demonstrations

Indonesian media held some regard to 2025 protests as part of a larger Asian Spring primarily led by the youth (primarily from Generation Z)[175][176][177] and the student movement.[178][179][180] Indonesian pro-democracy and youth protestors often pinpoints the origins of the protest wave to the 2025 Pati demonstrations as the "Start of the Revolution"[181][182][183] and as the larger impetus that led to the August 2025 protests. Whilst, the use of the Straw Hat Pirates' Jolly Roger during mass protests first appeared during the time of the demonstrations.[184][185][186]

On 10 August 2025, the demonstrations had held similar reasoning being to raise the Rural and Urban Land and Building Tax (Pajak Bumi dan Bangunan Perdesaan dan Perkotaan, or PBB-P2) by up to 250%, the first increase in 14 years.[187] Local authorities argued this was a maximum cap and that many properties would see smaller hikes (some only 50%). However, residents feared the sharp tax rise would burden the community and protested that the policy was decided without sufficient public input.[188] Public outcry later boiled when the regent of Pati challenged dissenters to protest which was widely viewed as provocative and insensitive, reinforcing perceptions of an arrogant leadership amidst pressure of the tax hike.[187][189][190] Whilst largely a plural farmer protest, social media advocated by the youth had largely drawn support from both locally and from netizens across Indonesia. The protests itself was mainly led by youths, organizing and leading the protests, adopting One Piece monikers.[191][192] Indonesian political observers and academics noted early that similar sentiments against unpopular fiscal policies and politician behavior could spread beyond the region.[193]

August 2025 protests

Main article: August 2025 Indonesian protests
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Students surround the Indonesian National Police headquarters in Jakarta amidst police brutality and frustrations, 29 August 2025

Two weeks after the pati demonstration, on 25 August 2025, protests began in Indonesia as part of a larger civil unrest that began in early 2025 over economic frustrations and a proposed hike in housing subsidies for members of parliament. Protesters initially demanded the House of Representatives to revoke its subsidy schemes and penalize lawmakers who made insensitive statements, as well as to pass the Confiscation of Assets Act for lawmakers convicted of corruption.[194] The protests erupted over a proposed Rp 50 million (US$3,057) monthly housing allowance for parliament members, ten times Jakarta's minimum wage—one of the highest in Indonesia. Combined with existing food and transportation stipends, the allowance sparked public outrage amid rising food and education costs, mass layoffs, and property tax hikes due to central funding cuts.[195][196] Student-led protesters expanded their demands to include total reform of the Indonesian National Police and resignation of the chief of police, Listyo Sigit Prabowo.[197] The protests, which were largely concentrated around the capital Jakarta,[198][199][200] grew in intensity and spread nationwide following the killing of Affan Kurniawan, a motorcycle taxi driver who was run over by a Brimob tactical vehicle on 28 August during a larger violent crackdown on civil dissent.[198] In several cities such as Makassar and Surabaya, multiple government buildings were torched.[201][202] Houses associated with or belonging to members of parliament were also looted and robbed.[203]

A BBC Indonesia report estimated that House of Representatives (DPR) members earn over Rp 100 million (US$6,062) monthly, including a Rp 50 million housing allowance, salaries, and other stipends.[204] The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (FITRA) NGO claims the BBC overlooked DPR members' take-home pay, reaching Rp 230 million (US$13,942.60) monthly or Rp 2.8 billion (US$169,736) annually, per the 2023–2025 DPR Budget Implementation List (DIPA). The budget for 580 DPR members’ salaries and allowances is set to hit Rp 1.6 trillion in 2025, up from Rp 1.2 trillion in 2023 and Rp 1.8 trillion in 2024.[205][206] However, Mahfud MD, former Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia and Minister of Law and Human Rights, contradicted the claim that DPR members' salaries would not reach Rp 250 million per month, asserting instead that their total earnings could amount to billions of rupiah each month.[207]

Adding to the growing outrage in the general public were remarks made by certain members of parliament, which were seen as insensitive and tone deaf to the struggles of ordinary Indonesians. NasDem Party parliament member Nafa Urbach supported the allowance hike, stating that members of the House of Representatives experienced commuting difficulties.[208] She later apologized on social media following public backlash over her statement and pledged her allowance to be given to her constituency.[209] Ahmad Sahroni, deputy chairman of the House of Representative's third commission, described those calling for the dissolution of the parliament as "the dumbest people in the world" and later defended his comments. National Mandate Party parliament member Eko Patrio posted a parody video, which was viewed as mocking public concerns.[210] By the end of the august wave on September 9,[211] the protests had led to the suspension of 5 MPs, the rescindment of lawmakers' perks,[212] and a mass government reshuffle.[213] The protests had left 8 deaths, 8 missing, and thousands arrested.

Nepal

Further information: 2025 Nepalese Gen Z protests
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Picket signs during protests in Nepal, 8 September 2025

On 8 September 2025, large-scale anti-corruption protests and demonstrations took place across Nepal, predominantly organized by Generation Z students and the youth.[214] Also known as "the Gen Z protests",[g][215] they began following a nationwide ban on numerous social media platforms, and they incorporated the public's frustration with corruption and display of wealth by government officials and their families, as well as allegations of mismanagement of public funds.[216][217] The movement expanded to encompass broader issues of governance, transparency, and political accountability.[218][219] The protests escalated with violence against public officials and vandalism of government and political buildings taking place throughout the country.

On 9 September 2025, former King Gyanendra Shah called for calm and resolution be found internally.[220] On that same day, Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli, along with a few government ministers, resigned, and on 12 September, Sushila Karki was appointed as interim Prime Minister of Nepal. The protests had died down by 13 September.[221][222]

Background

On 4 September 2025, the Government of Nepal ordered the shutdown of 26 social media platforms, including Facebook, X, YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Signal, and Snapchat, for failing to register under the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology's new rules.[219] The registration requirement had been motivated in part as a way to enable the enforcement of a new Digital Services Tax and stricter value-added tax rules on foreign e-service providers in an effort to boost revenue.[223] However, critics alleged the shutdown was prompted by a social media trend highlighting nepotism, focusing on the undue privileges enjoyed by the children and relatives of influential political leaders.[224]

The significance of the media platform ban tied into Nepalese political economy. 33% of Nepalese GDP comes from remittances with hundreds of thousands of exit permits being issued, alongside 20% youth unemployment mean that these remittances keep households afloat and pay import bills, but also indicate a lack of structural transformation in the domestic economy toward an employment-first model, pushing the youth into work in online spaces.[223] Banning social media thus threatened youth livelihood.

Prior to the protests, the average Nepali made US$1,400 per year, while families of the country's ruling elite displayed their wealth on social media.[225] This "Nepo Kid" trend prompted significant public anger.[226][227] The median age of Nepal's population is 25. Due to this, as well as the country's largely rural, rough terrain and substantial migration abroad, Nepal has some of the highest social media usage in South Asia, with nearly one account for every two people.[228]

Timor-Leste

Further information: 2025 Timor-Leste protests
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Timorense youth rally to protest in DIli, 17 September 2025

In 15 September 2025, following the success of the Indonesian and the Nepalese Gen Z protests,[229][230] student-led protests were held in Dili, the capital of Timor-Leste, against the National Parliament's decision to purchase SUVs for legislators at a cost of US$4 million. The demonstrators' demands soon expanded to calling for the cancellation of lifetime pensions for former MPs. After three days of demonstrations, student leaders and parliament reached an agreement, ending the protests.[231]

On 15 September 2025, more than 1,000 people, mostly university students from Dili, gathered in front of parliament to demonstrate.[232] Police responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, injuring four people, after some protestors threw stones towards the parliament building.[233] Later that day, three parties within the ruling coalition of the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), the Democratic Party (PD), and Kmanek Haburas Unidade Nasional Timor Oan (KHUNTO), announced that they would ask parliament to cancel the purchase of cars for MPs.

More than 2,000 demonstrators returned to the streets the following day, with their demands expanding to call for the cancellation of the lifetime pensions provided to former lawmakers.[234] Later that day, parliament voted unanimously to cancel the plan to purchase new cars. On September 17, a third day of demonstrations concluded with an agreement between protest leaders and parliament that the pensions for former MPs would be canceled and, in return, the demonstrations would conclude.[235]

Philippines

Main article: Flood control projects controversy in the Philippines
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A protester waves the Straw Hat Pirates' Jolly Roger in a protest in front of Ayala Bridge, 21 September 2025

Since 2024, a series of allegations of corruption, mismanagement, and irregularities in government-funded flood management projects have been occurring in the Philippines under the administration of President Bongbong Marcos. The controversy centers on billions of pesos allocated for flood management initiatives, reports of "ghost" projects,[h] substandard construction, and the alleged cornering of contracts by a small group of favored contractors. Reports of anomalies in flood control projects, including incomplete or substandard work and alleged ghost projects, prompted widespread criticism of the government.[237] Public discontent grew amid calls for transparency and accountability in infrastructure spending.

Previously, the Filipino government has been monitoring the widespread unrest in neighboring Indonesia with caution and concern. Officials explicitly voiced their wish to avoid a similar escalation at home, urging restraint and dialogue rather than mass street mobilization.[238] However, coinciding with the height of the regional youth protest wave that swept across South and Southeast Asia in September 2025, the movement emboldened political sentiment among disillusioned Filipino youth.[239][240][241] As Indonesian protests around late August and early September gained momentum over corruption and parliamentary perks and frustrations over corruption, mismanagement, and irregularities were fanned by Catholic church leaders, business executives and retired generals, President Bongbong Marcos Jr. recalibrated and publicly backed anti-corruption outrage under the urgency of peaceful protest. The Filipino government later touted institutional remedies (an independent probe into flood-control graft, audits, and cancellations of suspect projects) as the path forward.[242]

The date of the rally, on September 21, coincides with the anniversary of the official date[i] of the declaration of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. in 1972, a symbolic choice for groups emphasizing democratic rights and government accountability.[245]

2025 protests

Further information: 2025 protests

The 2025 protests are a series of widespread protests in the Philippines, mainly to be held at Rizal Park in Manila and at the People Power Monument along EDSA in Quezon City, both within Metro Manila.[246] It involves several anti-corruption protests stemming from the investigation of government corruption in flood control programs, involving both executive and legislative branches of the Philippine government. The date coincides with the 53rd anniversary of the declaration of martial law in the Philippines. Several cities and municipalities in different provinces will also hold their own protests within their locality.

The protests in Rizal Park are organized by various sectoral groups, including activists and students, while the protest at the People Power Monument is known as the "Trillion Peso March" set for September 21, 2025[247]. Organized by church groups, mainly the Catholic Church and Protestant churches,[248] civil society organizations, labor unions, and political coalitions, the protests respond to alleged corruption in government flood control infrastructure projects.[249][237] According to reports, the demonstrations focus on allegations of massive irregularities in flood control programs, with some ₱1.9 trillion (US$33 billion) spent over the past 15 years, more than half of which was allegedly lost to corruption.[250]

Maldives

Main article: 2025 Maldivian protests
This section is an excerpt from 2025 Maldivian protests § Background.[edit]
New laws had been passed issuing restrictions on the powers and authority of the local governments of the Maldives, the island councils, as well as the "Maldives Media and Broadcasting Regulation Bill" which enabling fines and suspension or cancellation of media licenses.[251][252] Additionally, the media bill would have created a single, overarching state-run media regulator, that also had jurisdiction over what journalists posted online.[253] This regulator would have the authority to do everything except shut a media firm down, such as levying fines and suspending outlets that posted stories contrary to "religious norms, national security or public order."[253] Minister of Foreign Affairs Abdulla Khaleel stated that the goal of the bill was to establish "clear standards and a code of conduct" and to "address the challenges of misinformation, disinformation and coordinated manipulation of content."[253]
This section is an excerpt from 2025 Maldivian protests § Events.[edit]

Protests against the media bill began the day it passed, 21 September 2025, with both the main union of journalists, and opposition party, the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP) coordinating protests.[253] Former President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih called the media bill the "end of press freedom" and urged his supporters to take to the streets to protest.[253] They would be joined by the Bar Council of the Maldives, which administers the country's bar exams and the governing body for lawyers.[253] By early October the MDP revived and broadened protests, this time centered around alleged widespread graft, rising prices, as well as the media law, with the chant "Lootuvaifi" ("Stop the Loot!") becoming their rallying cry.[254] These protests saw clashes with the police in the capital with police using pepper spray and Long-Range Acoustic Devices to disperse the protesters.[254]

On 3 October 2025 the Maldivian police arrested eight protesters for protesting in unauthorized spaces and deviating from the agreed route of the protests, as well as for throwing bricks and stones at the police.[255][252] The police response was disproportionate.[256][252] Shortly after the MDP called for the government of President Mohamed Muizzu to resign.[252]

The Maldives Independent interviewed protesters on October 5, many of whom cited the general economic downturn, cost of living, as well as perceived corruption as to why they where protesting.[257]
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Analysis

Bangladeshi researchers S Toufiq Haque, Syeda Lasna Kabir and Mohammad Isa Ibn Belal claimed that Sri Lankan, Bangladeshi and Nepalese uprisings have reintroduced the region of South Asia as a "centre of uprisings", and argued that post-uprising governments of these countries failed to address the key issues behind the uprisings–corruption, nepotism, political instability, unemployment and social inequality.[258]

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See also

Notes

  1. [a]
    Attributed to multiple sources:[26][27][28][29][30][31]
  2. [b]
    Bengali: জুলাই বিপ্লব, romanized: Julāi Biplôb
  3. [c]
    Bengali: জুলাই গণ-অভ্যুত্থান, romanized: Julāi Gono-Ôbhyutthān
  4. [d]
    Bengali: ছাত্র–জনতার অভ্যুত্থান, romanized: Chātrô–Jônôtār Ôbhyutthān
  5. [e]
    Bengali: অসহযোগ আন্দোলন, romanized: Ôsôhôjōg Āndōlôn
  6. [f]
    Bengali: এক দফা আন্দোলন, romanized: Ēk Dôphā Āndōlôn
  7. [g]
    Nepali: जेन-जे विरोध, romanized: Jēn-jē virōdha
  8. [h]
    The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) defines "ghost" projects as government infrastructure projects that are reported in government documents as "completed" and "fully paid," but never actually constructed.[236]
  9. [i]
    The actual announcement was on September 23, 1972, but Proclamation No. 1081 was officially dated by Ferdinand Marcos Sr. to have been signed on September 21, 1972.[243][244]
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References

External links

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