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Asian Spring
Protests and revolutions in South and Southeast Asia in the 2020s From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Since the early 2020s, a series of mostly youth-led anti-government protests and uprisings have spread across South and Southeast Asia, with several leading to massive reforms and regime change. These protests began as a response to widespread corruption, nepotism, economic inequality and mismanagement, authoritarianism, and democratic backsliding.[1][2] The term "Asian Spring" has been unofficially coined to describe these events, citing their similarities to the Arab Spring, though "Asian Uprising", "Gen-Z protests", and "Gen-Z revolutions" have also been used. The protests started with the 2021 Myanmar "Spring Revolution" protests[3] and the Sri Lankan Uprising, the popular "Aragalaya", then spread to other Asian countries including Bangladesh, Nepal, Indonesia, Philippines, Timor-Leste, and the Maldives.[4][5][6][7][8]
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The protests have been notable for the leading role taken by Generation Z, especially students, with social media and internet activism being playing a key role in organizing the protests.[9][10][11][12] Several affected governments enacted social media bans as a result.[13][14][15] Symbols in popular culture, such as the flag of the Straw Hat Pirates from the Japanese manga series One Piece, have been adopted by protestors across Asia to support their cause.[16][17][18] Governments were overthrown in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal;[19] while protests in Indonesia and Timor-Leste achieved reversals of unpopular policies.[20][21][22] Mass protests are ongoing in the Philippines.[23][24][25] In Myanmar, government crackdowns against pro-democratic demonstrations have led to the present-day civil war between the ruling junta and several major insurgencies.[26][27][28] Due to the heavy-handed response and violent suppression by government forces, there have been mass arrests and thousands of deaths.[29][30][31][32]
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Causes
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Economic pressures
A central factor uniting many Generation Z protest movements in Asia is economic hardship and limited opportunities. Large youth populations in several countries face high rates of unemployment and underemployment, alongside rising living costs, contributing to a sense of precarity. Scholars have described these conditions as leaving young people in ‘economically precarious’ situations, struggling to secure stable employment or adequate wages. According to a 2024 six-country study by the ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, ‘unemployment and recession’ ranked as the most pressing concern among Southeast Asian youth, with 89% of respondents expressing worry, followed by the ‘widening socio-economic gap,’ cited by around 85%.[33] Persistent income inequality, often compounded by corruption, has reinforced perceptions of injustice. Analysts have observed that recent youth uprisings in South Asia have been driven primarily by material hardship, with poverty, inflation, and unmet basic needs intensifying public frustration and contributing to broader social unrest.[34] A 2025 Carnegie Endowment analysis similarly identified widening wealth gaps and concerns over a bleak economic future as factors fueling youth activism and demands for relief from deepening social and economic inequalities.[35] For example, in Sri Lanka, the 2022 protest movement emerged amid severe economic turmoil marked by surging inflation, acute shortages of fuel and medicine, and prolonged power outages in the aftermath of its economic crisis. The collapse of the national economy severely disrupted livelihoods and caused daily hardship for much of the population.[36] Many of the predominantly young protesters viewed the crisis as the result of long-term economic mismanagement and were motivated by basic concerns of survival; for much of Sri Lanka’s youth, politics had come to represent a struggle for survival, dignity, and the right to be heard.[37]
The persistent youth unemployment crisis has intensified these grievances. Despite post-COVID-19 pandemic economic recovery in some countries, stable and adequately paid jobs for young adults remain limited. Many members of Generation Z report feeling excluded from the benefits of economic growth, viewing it as a lost ‘demographic dividend’. In South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia, large youth populations have not been matched by sufficient employment opportunities, resulting in growing frustration when economic expansion fails to generate jobs or when young people are confined to informal, insecure, and poorly remunerated work.[38] An August 2024 report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) observed that, although overall unemployment rates had improved following the COVID-19 pandemic, Asia-Pacific's economic anxieties among the youth continued to increase. Surveys cited in the report found that majorities of respondents expressed stress over job loss, job stability, and broader economic conditions, showing persistent uncertainty about their future prospects.[39] Widespread economic precarity, compounded by rising costs of living for essentials such as fuel, food, and housing, has contributed to mounting dissatisfaction among Generation Z. In Nepal, youth anger crystallized around a viral image of a minister’s son displaying luxury goods during an economic downturn, which was widely interpreted as emblematic of inequality in a country with a gross domestic product per capita below US$1,500 and where roughly four-fifths of the workforce is employed in the informal sector.[35]
Socio-economic pressures have contributed to a perception among many members of Generation Z that they lack a secure future under existing conditions. In countries such as China, India, and across Southeast Asia, young people have reported being disproportionately affected by unaffordable housing and limited access to quality employment, often in contrast with the experiences of earlier generations. Public institutions are frequently viewed as unresponsive to youth unemployment and ineffective in addressing rising living costs, which bred cynicism and discontent.[40] The weakening of upward mobility has left many young people frustrated, and such conditions have provided fertile ground for protest movements. When access to education, stable employment, and opportunities for advancement are perceived as unattainable, Generation Z has shown a greater willingness to engage in demonstrations to express grievances and demand change.[41][40]
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Precursor protests
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Sri Lanka
The Aragalaya (Sinhala: අරගලය, lit. 'The Struggle') was a series of mass protests that began in March 2022 against the government of Sri Lanka. The government was heavily criticized for mismanaging the Sri Lankan economy, which led to a subsequent economic crisis involving severe inflation, daily blackouts, and a shortage of fuel, domestic gas, and other essential goods. The protesters' main demand was the resignation of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and key officials from the Rajapaksa family. Despite the involvement of several opposition parties, most protesters considered themselves to be apolitical, with many expressing discontent with the parliamentary opposition.[42] Protesters chanted slogans such as "Go Home Gota", "Go Home Rajapaksas",[43][44] and "Aragalayata Jaya Wewa" ("Victory to the struggle").[45] Most protests were organized by the general public,[46][47] with youths playing a major part by carrying out protests at Galle Face Green.[48][49][50][51]
The government reacted to the protests with authoritarian methods, such as declaring a state of emergency, allowing the military to arrest civilians, imposing curfews, and restricting access to social media. The government violated the law and the Sri Lankan constitution by attempting to suppress the protests.[30][52][53] The Sri Lankan diaspora also began demonstrations against the suppression of basic human rights in the country.[54][55] In April, the government's ban on social media was perceived to have backfired; hashtags such as #GoHomeGota, which is believed to have been coined by an activist called Pathum Kerner in December 2021, had begun trending on Twitter internationally. The government's ban was lifted later that day. The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka condemned the government's actions and summoned officials responsible for the blocking and abuse of protesters.[15][56]
On 3 April, all 26 members of the Second Gotabaya Rajapaksa cabinet resigned with the exception of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa. Critics said that the resignation was not valid as they did not follow constitutional protocol[57][58][59] and several of the ministers who "resigned" were reinstated in different ministries the next day.[60] Chief government whip Johnston Fernando insisted that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa would not resign under any circumstances.[61] The protests, however, led to the removal of officials and ministers, including members of the Rajapaksa family and their close associates, and to the appointment of more qualified and veteran officials and the creation of the Advisory Group on Multilateral Engagement and Debt Sustainability.[62]
On 9th of July 2022, protesters occupied the President's House in Colombo, causing Rajapaksa to flee and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to announce his own willingness to resign.[63] About a week later, on 20 July, Parliament elected Wickremesinghe as President.[64] By November 2022, the protests had largely cooled off due to improvement in economic conditions. While the protests were mostly over, it was noted that it would take until 2026 for full economic recovery to be achieved.[65][66]
Bangladesh
July Uprising
The July Revolution,[a] also known as the July Mass Uprising,[b] Gen Z revolution,[67][68] or the Student-People's Uprising,[c] was a mass uprising in Bangladesh in 2024.[69][70][71][72][73] It began as a quota reform movement in early June 2024, led by the Students Against Discrimination, after the Bangladesh Supreme Court invalidated the government's 2018 circular regarding job quotas in the public sector. Coinciding with the first anniversary of the resignation of Sheikh Hasina, on 5 August 2025, the revolution received constitutional acknowledgment with the announcement of the July Declaration, and it has been described as the world's first Gen Z revolution.[74][75][76]
The movement escalated into a full-fledged mass uprising after the government carried out mass killings of protesters, known as the July massacre, by late July.[77] Amnesty International blamed Hasina's government's "heavy-handed response" for causing the death of "students, journalists, and bystanders" and demanded that the Hasina-led "government of Bangladesh urgently end this repression."[78] Human Rights Watch had also called on foreign governments to urge Hasina to "end the use of excessive force against protesters and hold troops to account for human rights abuses."[79] HRW's deputy Asia director had also highlighted "unfettered security force abuses against anyone who opposes the Sheikh Hasina government."[79]
By early August, the movement evolved into a non-cooperation movement, ultimately leading to the ouster of the then-prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, who fled to India. Hasina's ouster triggered a constitutional crisis, leading to the formation of an interim government led by economist Muhammad Yunus, as the chief adviser.
2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement
The 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement was a series of anti-government[80][81][82][83] and pro-democracy[84][85][86][87] protests in Bangladesh, spearheaded primarily by university students. Initially focused on restructuring quota-based systems for government job recruitment, the movement expanded against what many perceived as an authoritarian government when government-associated groups carried out the July massacre of protestors and civilians, most of whom were students.[88][89][90][91] Started as a student movement, the movement later escalated into a fully-fledged mass uprising known as the July Revolution.
The protest began in June 2024, in response to the Supreme Court of Bangladesh reinstating a 30% quota for descendants of freedom fighters, reversing the government decision made in response to the 2018 Bangladesh quota reform movement. Students began to feel like they have a limited opportunity based on merit. The protest quickly spread throughout the entire country because of the government's violent response, as well as growing public dissatisfaction against an oppressive government. The situation was further complicated by many other ongoing issues, like the government's inability to manage a prolonged economic downturn, reports of rampant corruption and human rights violations, and the absence of democratic channels for initiating changes.[92][93][94][95]
The government sought to suppress the protests by shutting down all educational institutions. They deployed their student wing, the Chhatra League, along with other factions of the Awami League party. These groups resorted to using firearms and sharp weapons against the demonstrators.[96][97][98] The government then deployed Police, RAB, BGB and other armed forces, declaring a nationwide shoot-at-sight curfew[31][99][100] amid an unprecedented government-ordered nationwide internet and mobile connectivity blackout that effectively isolated Bangladesh from the rest of the world.[101][102] Later, the government also blocked social media in Bangladesh. Government forces cordoned off parts of the capital city of Dhaka and conducted Block Raids, randomly picking up anyone they suspected having links to the protest, causing fear among the city residents.[103] As of August 2, there were 215 confirmed deaths, more than 20,000 injuries,[104][105] and more than 11,000 arrests.[106][107][108][109] The unofficial death toll was between 300 and 500.[110] UNICEF reported that at least 32 children were killed during July's protests, with many more injured and detained.[111][112] Determining the exact number of deaths has been difficult because the government reportedly restricted hospitals from sharing information with the media without police permission, hospital CCTV footage was confiscated, and numerous individuals with gunshot wounds were buried without identification.[113][114][115]
The Awami League government, led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina have suggested that political opponents have co-opted the protest.[116][117] Despite the curfew restrictions the movement remained ongoing as it expanded its demands to include accountability for violence, a ban on the student wing of the government Chhatra League, and resignation of certain government officials,[118] including the resignation of Prime Minister Hasina.[119] The government's use of widespread violence against the general public turned the student protest into a people's uprising known as the Non-Cooperation Movement.[120][121][122][123]
Non-cooperation movement
The non-cooperation movement,[d] also known as the one-point movement,[e] was a pro-democratic disinvestment movement and a mass uprising against the Awami League-led government of Bangladesh, initiated within the framework of 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement. The sole demand of this movement was the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her cabinet.[124][125] It was the final stage of the wider movement known as the July Revolution. Although the movement was initially limited to the goal of reforming quotas in government jobs, it snowballed into a mass anti-government uprising after the mass killings against civilians. The movement was also fueled by ongoing socio-economic and political issues, including the government's mismanagement of the national economy, rampant corruption by government officials, human rights violations, allegations of undermining the country's sovereignty by Sheikh Hasina, and increasing authoritarianism and democratic backsliding.[126][127][128]
On 3 August 2024, coordinators of the Anti-discrimination Students Movement announced a one-point demand for the resignation of the Prime Minister and her cabinet and called for "comprehensive non-cooperation".[125][129] The following day, violent clashes broke out, resulting in the deaths of 97 people, including students. The coordinators called for a long march to Dhaka to force Hasina out of power on 5 August. That day, a large crowd of protesters made its way through the capital.[130] At around 3:00 p.m. (UTC+6), Sheikh Hasina resigned and fled to India, her government's biggest ally.[131] Widespread celebrations and violence occurred following her removal, while the military and President Mohammed Shahabuddin announced the formation of an interim government led by economist and Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus.[132] Meanwhile, Indian media outlets were seen engaging in a widespread disinformation campaign aimed at destabilising Bangladesh, following Hasina's resignation and departure to India.[133][134]
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Protest movements by country
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Indonesia
Indonesian media held some regard to 2025 protests as part of a larger Asian Spring primarily led by the youth (primarily from Generation Z)[135][136][137] and the student movement.[138][139][140] Indonesian pro-democracy and youth protestors often pinpoints the origins to the 2025 Pati demonstrations as the "Start of the Revolution"[141][142][143] and as the larger impetus that led to the August 2025 protests. Whilst, the use of the Straw Hat Pirates' Jolly Roger during mass protests first appeared during the time of the demonstrations.[144][145][146]
On 10 August 2025, the demonstrations had held similar reasoning being to raise the Rural and Urban Land and Building Tax (Pajak Bumi dan Bangunan Perdesaan dan Perkotaan, or PBB-P2) by up to 250%, the first increase in 14 years.[147] Local authorities argued this was a maximum cap and that many properties would see smaller hikes (some only 50%). However, residents feared the sharp tax rise would burden the community and protested that the policy was decided without sufficient public input.[148] Public outcry later boiled when the regent of Pati challenged dissenters to protest which was widely viewed as provocative and insensitive, reinforcing perceptions of an arrogant leadership amidst pressure of the tax hike.[149][150][151] Whilst largely a plural farmer protest, social media advocated by the youth had largely drawn support from both locally and from netizens across Indonesia. The protests itself was mainly led by youths, organizing and leading the protests, adopting One Piece monikers.[152][153] Indonesian political observers and academics noted early that similar sentiments against unpopular fiscal policies and politician behavior could spread beyond the region.[154]
August 2025 protests
Two weeks after the pati demonstration, on 25 August 2025, protests began in Indonesia as part of a larger civil unrest that began in early 2025 over economic frustrations and a proposed hike in housing subsidies for members of parliament. Protesters initially demanded the House of Representatives to revoke its subsidy schemes and penalize lawmakers who made insensitive statements, as well as to pass the Confiscation of Assets Act for lawmakers convicted of corruption.[156] The protests erupted over a proposed Rp 50 million (US$3,057) monthly housing allowance for parliament members, ten times Jakarta's minimum wage—one of the highest in Indonesia. Combined with existing food and transportation stipends, the allowance sparked public outrage amid rising food and education costs, mass layoffs, and property tax hikes due to central funding cuts.[157][158] Student-led protesters expanded their demands to include total reform of the Indonesian National Police and resignation of the chief of police, Listyo Sigit Prabowo.[159] The protests, which were largely concentrated around the capital Jakarta,[160][161][162] grew in intensity and spread nationwide following the killing of Affan Kurniawan, a motorcycle taxi driver who was run over by a Brimob tactical vehicle on 28 August during a larger violent crackdown on civil dissent.[160] In several cities such as Makassar and Surabaya, multiple government buildings were torched.[163][164] Houses associated with or belonging to members of parliament were also looted and robbed.[165]
A BBC Indonesia report estimated that House of Representatives (DPR) members earn over Rp 100 million (US$6,062) monthly, including a Rp 50 million housing allowance, salaries, and other stipends.[166] The Indonesian Forum for Budget Transparency (FITRA) NGO claims the BBC overlooked DPR members' take-home pay, reaching Rp 230 million (US$13,942.60) monthly or Rp 2.8 billion (US$169,736) annually, per the 2023–2025 DPR Budget Implementation List (DIPA). The budget for 580 DPR members’ salaries and allowances is set to hit Rp 1.6 trillion in 2025, up from Rp 1.2 trillion in 2023 and Rp 1.8 trillion in 2024.[167][168] However, Mahfud MD, former Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia and Minister of Law and Human Rights, contradicted the claim that DPR members' salaries would not reach Rp 250 million per month, asserting instead that their total earnings could amount to billions of rupiah each month.[169]
Adding to the growing outrage in the general public were remarks made by certain members of parliament, which were seen as insensitive and tone deaf to the struggles of ordinary Indonesians. NasDem Party parliament member Nafa Urbach supported the allowance hike, stating that members of the House of Representatives experienced commuting difficulties.[170] She later apologized on social media following public backlash over her statement and pledged her allowance to be given to her constituency.[171] Ahmad Sahroni, deputy chairman of the House of Representative's third commission, described those calling for the dissolution of the parliament as "the dumbest people in the world" and later defended his comments. National Mandate Party parliament member Eko Patrio posted a parody video, which was viewed as mocking public concerns.[172]
Nepal
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In September 2025, large-scale anti-corruption protests and demonstrations took place across Nepal, predominantly organized by Generation Z students and the youth.[173] Also known as "the Gen Z protests",[f][174] they began following a nationwide ban on numerous social media platforms, and they incorporated the public's frustration with corruption and display of wealth by government officials and their families, as well as allegations of mismanagement of public funds.[175][176] The movement expanded to encompass broader issues of governance, transparency, and political accountability.[177][178] The protests escalated with violence against public officials and vandalism of government and political buildings taking place throughout the country.
On 9 September 2025, former King Gyanendra Shah called for calm and resolution be found internally.[179] On that same day, Prime Minister K. P. Sharma Oli, along with a few government ministers, resigned, and on 12 September, Sushila Karki was appointed as interim Prime Minister of Nepal. The protests had died down by 13 September.[180][181]
Background
On 4 September 2025, the Government of Nepal ordered the shutdown of 26 social media platforms, including Facebook, X, YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Signal, and Snapchat, for failing to register under the Ministry of Communication and Information Technology's new rules.[182] The registration requirement had been motivated in part as a way to enable the enforcement of a new Digital Services Tax and stricter value-added tax rules on foreign e-service providers in an effort to boost revenue.[183] However, critics alleged the shutdown was prompted by a social media trend highlighting nepotism, focusing on the undue privileges enjoyed by the children and relatives of influential political leaders.[184]
The significance of the media platform ban tied into Nepalese political economy. 33% of Nepalese GDP comes from remittances with hundreds of thousands of exit permits being issued, alongside 20% youth unemployment mean that these remittances keep households afloat and pay import bills, but also indicate a lack of structural transformation in the domestic economy toward an employment-first model, pushing the youth into work in online spaces.[183] Banning social media thus threatened youth livelihood.
Prior to the protests, the average Nepali made US$1,400 per year, while families of the country's ruling elite displayed their wealth on social media.[185] This "Nepo Kid" trend prompted significant public anger.[186][187] The median age of Nepal's population is 25. Due to this, as well as the country's largely rural, rough terrain and substantial migration abroad, Nepal has some of the highest social media usage in South Asia, with nearly one account for every two people.[188]
Timor-Leste
In September 2025, student-led protests were held in Dili, the capital of Timor-Leste, against the National Parliament's decision to purchase SUVs for legislators at a cost of US$4 million. The demonstrators' demands soon expanded to calling for the cancellation of lifetime pensions for former MPs. After three days of demonstrations, student leaders and parliament reached an agreement, ending the protests.[189]
On 15 September 2025, more than 1,000 people, mostly university students from Dili, gathered in front of parliament to demonstrate.[190] Police responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, injuring four people, after some protestors threw stones towards the parliament building.[191] Later that day, three parties within the ruling coalition—the National Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT), the Democratic Party (PD), and Kmanek Haburas Unidade Nasional Timor Oan (KHUNTO)—announced that they would ask parliament to cancel the purchase of cars for MPs.
More than 2,000 demonstrators returned to the streets the following day, with their demands expanding to call for the cancellation of the lifetime pensions provided to former lawmakers.[192] Later that day, parliament voted unanimously to cancel the plan to purchase new cars. On September 17, a third day of demonstrations concluded with an agreement between protest leaders and parliament that the pensions for former MPs would be canceled and, in return, the demonstrations would conclude.[193]
Philippines
Since 2024, a series of allegations of corruption, mismanagement, and irregularities in government-funded flood management projects have been occurring in the Philippines under the administration of President Bongbong Marcos. The controversy centers on billions of pesos allocated for flood management initiatives, reports of "ghost" projects,[g] substandard construction, and the alleged cornering of contracts by a small group of favored contractors. Reports of anomalies in flood control projects, including incomplete or substandard work and alleged ghost projects, prompted widespread criticism of the government.[195] Public discontent grew amid calls for transparency and accountability in infrastructure spending.
The date of the rally, September 21, coincides with the anniversary of the official date[h] of the declaration of martial law by President Ferdinand Marcos Sr. in 1972, a symbolic choice for groups emphasizing democratic rights and government accountability.[198]
September 2025 protests
The September 2025 protests are a series of widespread protests in the Philippines, mainly to be held at Rizal Park in Manila and at the People Power Monument along EDSA in Quezon City, both within Metro Manila.[199] It involves several anti-corruption protests stemming from the investigation of government corruption in flood control programs, involving both executive and legislative branches of the Philippine government. The date coincides with the 53rd anniversary of the declaration of martial law in the Philippines. Several cities and municipalities in different provinces will also hold their own protests within their locality.
The protests in Rizal Park are organized by various sectoral groups, including activists and students, while the protest at the People Power Monument is known as the "Trillion Peso March" set for September 21, 2025[200]. Organized by church groups, mainly the Catholic Church and Protestant churches,[201] civil society organizations, labor unions, and political coalitions, the protests respond to alleged corruption in government flood control infrastructure projects.[202][195] According to reports, the demonstrations focus on allegations of massive irregularities in flood control programs, with some ₱1.9 trillion (US$33 billion) spent over the past 15 years, more than half of which was allegedly lost to corruption.[203]
Maldives
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Notes
- Bengali: এক দফা আন্দোলন, romanized: Ēk Dôphā Āndōlôn
- The Bureau of Internal Revenue (BIR) defines "ghost" projects as government infrastructure projects that are reported in government documents as "completed" and "fully paid," but never actually constructed.[194]
- The actual announcement was on September 23, 1972, but Proclamation No. 1081 was officially dated by Ferdinand Marcos Sr. to have been signed on September 21, 1972.[196][197]
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