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Bangladesh Nationalist Party
Political party in Bangladesh From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ জাতীয়তাবাদী দল, romanized: Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Dal),[1][d] popularly abbreviated as BNP ([ˈbijenpi]), is a major political party in Bangladesh. It was founded on 1 September 1978 by President Ziaur Rahman, with a view of uniting people with a nationalist ideology. Later, the BNP emerged as one of the two traditionally dominant parties in Bangladesh, along with its rival, the Awami League.[e]
Known as the "Party of the Freedom Fighters of the Battlefield" during its establishment,[8] the BNP was founded by Ziaur Rahman after the presidential election of 1978 and remained in its leadership until his assassination in 1981. Following Rahman's assassination, his widow, Khaleda Zia, took over leadership of the party and presided as chairperson until her imprisonment, in 2018. Since then, Tarique Rahman, the son of Rahman and Zia, has served as acting chairperson and has run the affairs of the party from London.[9]
Since its creation, the BNP has won the 1979 election and 1981 presidential election as well as the 1991, February 1996 and 2001 general elections.[10][11][12] Ziaur Rahman-led governments formed under the semi-presidential system and the parliamentary republics were led by Khaleda Zia, who served as prime minister.[13] Begum Zia, who served as the party's chairperson from 1983, became the first woman prime minister of Bangladesh and the second female prime minister of a Muslim-majority country after Pakistan's Benazir Bhutto. The party holds the record of being the largest opposition in the history of parliamentary elections of the country with 116 seats in the general election of June 1996.[14]
Begum Khaleda Zia is currently the chairperson of the party, with Tarique Rahman as the acting chairman and Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir as the secretary-general. The party tends to consulate votes based on complete independence of Bangladeshi territory and a mix of Bengali and Islamic customs. It is often known to be pro-global with being very pro-China or pro-Southeast Asia and pro-Middle East to capture markets on foreign investment and remittance.[15]
The party has faced sustained criticism for corruption, political violence, and poor governance, particularly during its 2001–2006 tenure, with controversies such as the August 21 grenade attack, the 10-truck arms haul, and Hawa Bhaban's alleged role as a parallel power center. The party’s affiliated wings have been repeatedly accused of extortion and violence, including a 2025 daylight murder linked to its student and youth fronts, further deepening public discontent and damaging the BNP’s reputation.
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Bangladesh after independence
After the independence of Bangladesh, chaos and power struggles between different groups ensued. Political murders became a common thing,[16] and productivity of key industries did not return to the pre-independence level.[17] Despite the funnelling of million dollar-worth of aid, Bangladesh was in acute shortage of foreign currency, and political patronage made it difficult to distribute the aid to the poorest quintile of the citizens.[18] In 1974, after a devastating flood despite the availability of food grains, a famine began that killed around a million.[19] Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the then Prime Minister of Bangladesh, in a desperate bid to save the situation, amended the constitution and "institutionalized autocracy" by making him effectively the "unimpeachable" President and curtailed the freedom of the judiciary and press.[20]
Eight months after the constitutional amendment, he was killed along with his family members in a pre-dawn coup on August 15, 1975, that threw the country into deeper turmoil. A section of his colleagues from the Awami League, backed by his killers, took charge of the state under the leadership of Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed, his longtime friend.[21]
On November 3, a counter-coup led by the Chief of General Staff of the Bangladesh Army, Brigadier General Khaled Mosharraf put the Chief of Army, Major General Ziaur Rahman, under house arrest, made himself the chief of the army, and replaced President Mostaq Ahmed with his nominee Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem. But before he could consolidate his grip over the situation, another counter-coup was staged by the followers of Zia within the army, orchestrated by retired Colonel Abu Taher on November 7, that freed Zia and brought him to the centre of power.[22]
Military administration and presidential crisis
After the counter-coup of November 7, a military administration was formed, with President Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as the chief martial law administrator. Ziaur Rahman, the chief of the Army, became a deputy chief martial law administrator along with the two other chiefs of the Navy and Air Force. However, Bangladesh's constitution did not have any provision for these arrangements.[23][failed verification]
President Sayem formed a board of advisors to run the country where Zia was bestowed with the portfolio of Finance, Home affairs, Information and Broadcasting.[24] The new president declared a date for the national election. However, most of the political parties were against the election, as they were largely unprepared compared to their rival Awami League. This made the situation difficult for the president.[22][failed verification]
In early 1977, the president was diagnosed with a problem in his gallbladder, and his doctor advised him to go for long rest, compelling him to think of retiring from his position. On April 20 of the year, his advisors, led by Abdus Sattar came to see him and advised him to resign in favour of Ziaur Rahman. President Sayem summoned Ziaur Rahman and asked about his thoughts regarding this proposed arrangement, to which Zia agreed wholeheartedly.[25][failed verification]
On April 21, President Sayem resigned, and Ziaur Rahman took charge as president of Bangladesh.[26]

Predecessors
JaGoDal
On 22 February 1978, a new party, Jatiyatabadi Ganatantrik Dal (JaGoDal), was formed with Justice Abdus Sattar as the coordinator. Most of the prominent figures were from the advisory council that was running the country at that time. JAGODAL was the first attempt to create a platform for the country's nationalists. Major General (retd) M. Majid ul Haq, Professor Syed Ali Ahsan, Shamsul Alam Chowdhury, A.Z.M. Enayetullah Khan, M. Hamidullah Khan, Jakaria Chowdhury, Professor Dr. M. R. Khan, and Saifur Rahman were prominent figures.[27] JAGODAL was dissolved on 28 August 1978 to consolidate its membership under the Jatiyatabadi Front.
Jatiyatabadi Front
On 1 May 1978, the Jatiyatabadi Front or Nationalist Front was formed with Ziaur Rahman as the front's chief, which JAGODAL joined soon after its formation. A major portion of NAP (Bhashani) joined the front as well with Mashiur Rahman. The election symbol of NAP (Bhashani), sheaf of paddy, would become the symbol of the BNP. Shah Azizur Rahman with some of his colleagues from Muslim League. Kazi Zafar Ahmed and a faction of United Peoples Party, Maulana Matin with his Labour Party, and minority leader Rashraj Mandal with Tafsili Jati Federation also joined.
Ziaur Rahman was their candidate for the presidential election of 3 June 1978. Ziaur Rahman won the election, defeating M. A. G. Osmani of Ganatantrik Oikya Jote (United Democratic Alliance) which was backed by the Bangladesh Awami League.[28]
Establishment
After the presidential election of 1978, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) was established on 1 September.[29] The newly established party soon emerged as a "hotchpotch" of leftists, rightists, opportunists, and Pakistan-era establishmenterians.[30]
The constitution of the party was drafted within 21 days of the formation with 76 members with Ziaur Rahman as the chief convener, M. Hamidullah Khan as the Executive Secretary and Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury was appointed as the Secretary-General.
Founding convening committee
-
- Ziaur Rahman
- Justice Abdus Sattar
- Syed Masud Roomy
- Mashiur Rahman
- M. Hamidullah Khan
- Shah Azizur Rahman
- Mohammad Mohammadullah
- Abdul Halim Chowdhury
- Rashraj Mandal
- Abdul Momen Khan
- Mirza Ghulam Hafiz
- Major General (retd.) Majid-ul-Haq
- Brigadier (retd.) Nurul Islam Shishu
- Captain (retd.) Nurul Huq
- Mohammad Saifur Rahman
- K. M. Obaidur Rahman
- Moudud Ahmed
- Shamsul Huda Chaudhury
- A.Z.M. Enayetullah Khan
- S. A. Bari
- Dr. Amina Rahman
- Abdur Rahman
- Dr. M. A. Matin
- Abdul Alim
- Barrister Abul Hasnat
- Anwar Hossain Manju
- Jamal Uddin Ahmed
- Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury
- Nur Mohammad Khan
- Abdul Karim
- Shamsul Bari
- Mojibur Rahman
- Dr. Faridul Huda
- Sheikh Ali Ashraf
- Abdur Rahman Biswas
- Barrister Abdul Huq
- Imran Ali Sarker
- Dewan Sirajul Huq
- Emdadur Rahman
- M. Afsar Uddin
- Kabir Chowdhury
- Dr. M. R. Khan
- Captain (retd.) Sujat Ali
- Tushar Kanti Baroi
- Sunil Kumar Gupta
- Anisur Rahman
- Abul Kashem
- Mansur Ali Sarker
- Abdul Hamid Chowdhury
- Mansur Ali
- Julmat Ali Khan
- Nazmul Huda
- Mahbub Ahmed
- Abu Said Khan
- Mohammad Ismail
- Sirajul Huq Mantu
- Shah Badrul Huq
- Abdur Rauf
- Morsheduzzaman
- Jahir Uddin Khan
- Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury
- Toriqul Islam
- Anwarul H Khan Chowdhury
- Moin Uddin Khan
- M. A. Sattar
- Haji Jalal
- Ahmed Ali Mandal
- Shahed Ali
- Abdul Wadud
- Shah Abdul Halim
- Muhammad Jamiruddin Sircar
- Atauddin Khan
- Abdur Razzaq Chowdhury
- Ahmed Ali
During this time, it attracted a large pool of supporters and activists who joined the newly formed student wing and youth wing. After the formation of the government, the first executive committee of the party was declared. A national standing committee was formed as the highest decision-making forum of the party with 12 members.[31]
Founding National Standing Committee
-
- Ziaur Rahman
- Abdus Sattar
- Shah Azizur Rahman
- Major General (retd.) Majid-ul-Haq
- Abdur Razzaq Chowdhury
- Sheikh Razzak Ali
- Barrister Muhammad Jamiruddin Sircar
- Ekramul Huq
- Dr. A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury
- Syed Mahibul Hasan
- Amina Rahman
- A.S.M. Yusuf
- Barrister Nazmul Huda
A youth wing was formed in September 1978 which was named Bangladesh Jatiyatabadi Jubo Dal with Abul Kashem as its chief convener. The Dhaka unit convener was Saifur Rahman. Within a couple of months, the central executive committee of Jubo Dal was declared with Abul Kashem and Saifur Rahman as the President and general secretary respectively. Mirza Abbas became the Dhaka unit President with Kamruzzaman Ayat Ali as the Secretary-General.[32]
Early years (1979–1982)
The BNP formed its first government after the 1979 Bangladesh general election. The first session of the parliament was on 2 April 1979. It elected Shah Azizur Rahman as prime minister and leader of the parliament. Mirza Ghulam Hafiz was elected as the speaker of the parliament. Asaduzzaman Khan from the Awami League became the leader of the opposition.
On 30 May 1981, the founder of the party President Ziaur Rahman was assassinated in the Chittagong Circuit House by a small group of military officials. After the assassination of Ziaur Rahman, large crowds started protesting in major cities like Dhaka and Chittagong.[33] The funeral of Ziaur Rahman became a huge event with the participation of millions of people in Dhaka.[34]
In the 1981 Bangladeshi presidential election, Abdus Sattar was elected. He formed the National Security Council to involve the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Meanwhile, Vice President Mirza Nurul Huda resigned from his post in March 1982.[35]
Struggle for democracy (1982–1990)
1983 coup d'état
Army Chief Hussain Muhammad Ershad thwarted the elected government of Justice Sattar on 24 March 1982 and replaced him with Justice A. F. M. Ahsanuddin Chowdhury. The BNP was thrown out of power. Many of its leaders were imprisoned,[33] including former Minister S.A. Bari, Saifur Rahman, Habibullah Khan, Tanvir Ahmed Siddiqui, Atauddin Khan, Jamal Uddin Ahmed, K.M. Obaidur Rahman, Abul Hasnat, and Moudud Ahmed. 233 leaders of BNP were arrested from March to July 1982.[36]

7-Party Alliance
From 1983, Begum Khaleda Zia became the de facto decision-maker of the party. Under her leadership, the BNP formed a new anti-government alliance against the autocratic Ershad regime. It was named after the number of parties with it, 7-Party Alliance.[37]
BNP launched a massive anti-government movement after co-ordination with Awami League-led 15-Party Alliance in September 1983. The 7-Party Alliance arranged a mass gathering and called a nationwide strike on 1 November 1983. The strike had successful results. After that, the alliance called to surround the Secretariat on 28 November 1983 along with the 15-Party Alliance.[38] Thousands of BNP activists led by then Executive Secretary (later designated Office Secretary) M. Hamidullah Khan surrounded the secretariat building at Paltan and broke a large hole in the southern corner of the boundary wall of the building. The police retaliated with indiscriminate firing of live bullets.[38] M. Hamidullah Khan was arrested on 3 November in the afternoon from his residence at Dhaka Cantonment. A ban on political activities was imposed that night and Begum Khaleda Zia was kept under house arrest. The government was severely shaken at the core. A long curfew and ban on politics was imposed.
On 29 February 1984, Ershad declared that the ban on politics would be lifted on 26 March and on 27 May, both the presidential and national elections would be held. The 7-Party Alliance asked for the national election before the presidential election. After lifting the ban, Khaleda Zia attended an extended meeting of the party on 1 April, where she was made the acting chairperson of the party. In May, the Chairperson Justice Sattar resigned and Khaleda Zia was made the chairperson of the party.[32]
Under the leadership of Khaleda Zia, the first major step BNP took was to expel leaders like Shah Azizur Rahman, Moudud Ahmed, AKM Maidul Islam, Abdul Alim, and Barrister Sultan Ahmed Chowdhury from the party. These leaders formed a committee with Shah Aziz as the President and AKM Maidul Islam as the general secretary. This faction later joined the Jatiya Front and Jatiya Party.[citation needed]
Attack on Begum Khaleda Zia
On 23 September 1984, while addressing a rally in Bogra, 10-12 handmade grenades were charged at the rally and some of them were aimed at the stage, where Khaleda Zia was giving her speech.[39][page needed] Khaleda Zia narrowly escaped injury while eleven members of her party received severe injuries. A nationwide strike was called in protest at this attack on 22 and 27 December. The government imposed a ban on political activities on those days to foil the strike, but it was largely ignored. Two people including a student leader from Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal died when police fired on a crowd on 22 December.[39][page needed]
1985 Upazila elections
The government amid protests, held upazila elections on 15 May 1985 in 251 upazilas and on 20 May in 209. The election was marked by rigging, stuffing, snatching of ballots and electoral fraud. Ershad's newly formed Janadal got 190 candidates as victors. Though, BNP had struggles because of government repression, it got 46 of its leaders as upazila chairmen while the Awami League fared worse with 41 upazila chairmen.[40]
Formation of student alliance
In 1985, BNP's student wing Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal formed Shongrami Chatra Jote with Chatra League (Awranga), Chatra League (Pradhan) and five other student organisations and started its resistance against Ershad.
1986 General election
In March 1986, Ershad declared that a national election would be held on 26 April.[41] Both the 7-Party Alliance led by BNP and the 15-Party Alliance led by the Awami League declared a boycott of the election on 17 March. Both called a joint rally on 21 March and a nationwide strike on 22 March as the immediate program to thwart the forthcoming election.
The night before the nationwide strike on 22 March, the Awami League called a meeting of the 15-Party Alliance but Sheikh Hasina refused to take part in the meeting. In the meeting, the majority of the parties including the Awami League opined in favour of the election. General Khalilur Rahman of Awami League maintained close contact with the army headquarters during the meeting that night. Sheikh Hasina was discussing with General Khalil periodically.[38]
On the final hours of 21 March 1986, Sheikh Hasina announced that the Awami League and her alliance would participate in the election. Five parties of the alliance parted ways from the Awami League after the announcement and decided to boycott the election. BNP and the 7-Party Alliance with the newly formed 5-Party alliance of leftists started campaigning against the election while the Awami League and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami joined the election.
The election was largely boycotted. BNP Chairperson mobilised a large pool of political parties and their leaders behind her to boycott the election. Apart from the BNP-led 7-Party Alliance and leftist 5-Party Alliance, 17 more parties including BNP (Shah Aziz), Samajbadi Dal (Nirmal Sen), Democratic League (Moshtaq), Democratic League (Oli Ahad), Islamic Democratic League, Islami Andolon (M. A. Jalil), Janata Party, Jatiya Ganatantrik Party, Labour Party (Maolana Matin), Muslim League (Kamruzzaman), Progatishil Ganatantrik Shakti and so on.[31]
Khaleda Zia reiterated that the BNP would participate only if:
- The fundamental rights are restored
- All political prisoners are released
- All convictions of politicians by the military courts are cancelled
The anti-election alliance under BNP called for a nationwide strike on election day. Unrest, voting fraud and malpractices marked the election day according to the opposition parties.[42] Both the Awami League and Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami conceded a humiliating defeat in the election.[38]
General Hussain Muhammad Ershad got himself elected on 15 October 1986. Prior to the election, Khaleda Zia was put under house arrest on 13 October.[43]
In a joint declaration, the two alliances called for "Siege Dhaka" program on 10 November 1987. The government imposed a ban on public gatherings ahead of the program which was defied on the day and during the program, the capital of the country virtually went under the control of the opposition alliances.[44] This incident infuriated the opposition and a nationwide protest was called on the following day. The government came hard-handed and both Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina were put under house arrest on 11 October.[44] Both the parties and their partners in the movement declared frequent nationwide strikes for the next days until the end of the year.
1988 general election
BNP was determined not to join the poll under the Ershad regime and decided to boycott the general election of 1988 after the abolishment of the previous parliament. The election was held on 3 March without the participation of any popular party or alliance rather a combined opposition was led by ASM Abdur Rab. BNP called a nationwide on Election Day and declared they would resist the election.[45]
Organizational reformations
On the advice of Dr. Badruddoza Chowdhury, BNP chief Begum Zia on 21 June 1988, suspended the national standing committee and executive committee on the party for various reasons including the failures of strengthening the party of leaders. During this opportunity, former military officers were also removed from leadership positions within the party. M. Hamidullah Khan was relieved from his post as Executive Secretary. On 3 July 1988, Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder, a distinguished lawyer, was assigned with the post of Secretary General of the party instead of KM Obaidur Rahman. Soon after the removal of Obaidur, he with Jamal Uddin Ahmed and Abul Hasnat formed a new party with the same name.[46] On 17 July of the same year, Shah Azizur Rahman dissolved the BNP faction with him and joined the party with his followers on 26 August. Barrister Abdus Salam Talukder restructured the BNP, making it a stronger political platform that thrived through a critical time with a goal to topple Ershad's regime.[47]
1990 Mass uprising
The movement against Ershad started gaining momentum in October 1990. The BNP-led 7-party alliance, the Awami League-led 8-party alliance and the Leftist 5-party alliance started a movement to usurp Ershad on 10 October 1990 and declared a nationwide strike on that day. The strike claimed 5 lives, including three BNP activists who were rallying in front of the central office of the Jatiya Party when the Jatiya Party cadres opened fire on the crowd.[48]
On 28 November, the opposition parties including BNP and its student wing defied the curfew and state of emergency and came out with large processions. The curfew and state of emergency was the last resort for Ershad which became ineffective by the end of November 1990.[49] On 3 December, the protests became more violent and many died. Bombs were hurled at the Sena Kalyan Sangstha building at Motijheel. From 27 November to 3 December, more than fifty protesters died.[49] On 4 December, the mass uprising took place and Ershad declared his resignation.
Dhaka University Central Students' Union (DUCSU) which has always been a centre of all popular movements in the history of Bangladesh came under the control of Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Chatra Dal after the election of 3 June 1990.[50][51][52] The Amanullah Aman-Khairul Kabir Khokan panel backed by Chatra Dal won all the posts and took the lead of the students' movement in the University of Dhaka campus.[50][52]
The Chatra Dal-led DUCSU committee allied with all existing student groups on the campus, Sarbadaliya Chatra Oikya Parishad (All-party Students Alliance Council) and staged a demonstration on 1 October 1990.[51] The protests turned violent after the police firing on a rally of Chatra Dal on 10 October that claimed the life of Naziruddin Jehad, a Chatra Dal leader from Sirajganj who came to Dhaka to join the rally against Ershad.[53][54]
The series of student protests compelled the Ershad regime to think about a safe exit.[55]
On 7 December 1989, the BNP-supported White panel of teachers got the highest number of Deans elected from their panel including Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury, Professor S M Faiz, Assistant Professor M. Anwar Hossain and Associate Professor Humayun Ahmed.[56]
The pro-BNP White panel of teachers, which dominated the Dhaka University Teachers Association, declared an all-out movement against the Ershad regime in 1990. All the teachers decided to resign from their posts on 29 November and confirmed their decision of not returning to classes until the fall of Ershad. The firm reaction from the teachers jeopardised the Ershad regime.[57]
After the fall of Ershad, because of the commitment to the national interest the White panel of teachers won a decisive victory on 24 December 1990 in the election of Dhaka University Teachers Association once again with Professor Anwarullah Chowdhury as the President of the association with Professor M. Anwar Hossain as the general secretary.[58]
1991 general election and First Khaleda ministry
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February 1996 general election and Second Khaleda ministry
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June 1996 general election and opposition party
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2001 general election and Third Khaleda ministry
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2006–2008 political crisis
The military-backed government promised to tackle the longstanding problems of corruption, filing charges against more than 160 politicians, civil servants and businessmen in 2007. Among those charged were Khaleda Zia and her two sons, as well as Sheikh Hasina, leader of the Awami League.[59]
The Bangladesh Election Commission invited Hafizuddin's faction, rather than Khaleda Zia's, to participate in talks, effectively recognising the former as the legitimate BNP. Khaleda Zia challenged this in court, but her appeal was rejected on 10 April 2008.[59] After her release later that year, Zia was restored to her position as party leader.[60]
2008 general election
In the 2008 Bangladesh general election, the 4-party alliance led by BNP won 33 seats out of 299 constituencies, of which the BNP alone got 30.[61]
Opposition to Awami League (2009–2024)
5th National Council, 2009
After sanctions by the Election Commission, the party held country-wide events for local leaders to play an active role in the national party.[62] The BNP National Council empowered re-elected party chairperson Khaleda Zia to pick other members for the National Executive Committee and Standing Committee.[63] It elected her eldest son, Tarique Rahman, to the powerful post as Senior vice-chairman, in a "move apparently designed to smooth his path to the party helm."[63]
2014 general election
After several movements in a period of severe political unrest between 2012 and 2014 to prevent the ruling party from holding the 10th general election in January 2014 without a neutral caretaker government, Khaleda led BNP and its allies in a boycott of the election. Incidents of violence were reported on polling day including the bombing of election centres, which the BNP and its allies were accused of. Over 100 people were killed in the 2016 Union Parishad Election in violent clashes between Awami League and BNP supporters.[64] In 2016, the BNP announced its new National Standing Committee, in which Khaleda retained her position as chairperson. New members were recruited while some older members were removed, and various new strategies for party operation were formulated.[65][66] In May 2017, Khaleda revealed BNP's Vision 2030 to gain public support for the next general elections.[67] However the ruling Awami League government denounced Vision 2030 as an act of plagiarism of Awami League's Vision 2021 which they used in the ninth general election and claimed most of the targets in the Visions were fulfilled by Awami League, thus declaring BNP's Vision 2030 as unoriginal. BNP also announced it will hold processions to hold the 11th general elections under a neutral government. This renewed tensions between BNP and Awami League.
Imprisonment of Khaleda Zia
On 8 February 2018, Khaleda Zia and her son Tarique Rahman as per court verdict, were jailed for 5 and 10 years respectively due to involvement in the Zia Charitable Trust corruption case. While Tarique was in exile, Khaleda was imprisoned in the old Dhaka Central Jail on Nazimuddin Road. In protest, BNP held nationwide demonstrations, which were foiled by a well-prepared police force across the nation. A large number of BNP activists were arrested during clashes with the police during the protests against Khaleda's imprisonment.[68]
On 9 October 2018, the Bangladesh government formed a nine-member group to detect and monitor rumors on social media sites such as Facebook. Tarana Halim said the group's goal was to ensure that "people [have] the right information only."[69] Two months later, approximately 30 accounts linked to the spreading of fictitious news reports regarding the BNP were blocked from Facebook and Twitter.[70]
2018 general election
After the jailing of chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia, BNP expedited the process of forging a national unity with prominent leaders of the country. In October 2018, the party formally announced its joining of Jatiya Oikya Front with Dr. Kamal Hossain at its forefront.[71]
There was controversy in the run-up to the elections surrounding the nomination of banned Jamaat candidates under the BNP banner. In 2013, the Jamaat-e-Islami was banned from registering and therefore contesting in elections by the High Court, citing their charter in violation of the constitution.[72][73] However, 25 Jamaat candidates ran in the election, with 22 nominations for BNP and 3 running as independents.[74][75] An investigation was launched but on 23 December the Election Commission Secretary Helaluddin Ahmed said they had examined the related law and "there is no scope for rejecting the Jamaat leaders' candidacy at this moment."[75] On 26 December, just days before the election, Jatiya Oikya Front leader Kamal Hossain expressed his regret about Jamaat's involvement in the elections under his alliance, claiming "had I known [that Jamaat leaders will be given BNP tickets] I would not have been part of it."[76] The media, however, had reported at the end of November that this was happening.[74][77]
2024 general election
On 26 March 2020, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia's prison sentence was suspended for six months amid the COVID-19 pandemic, and she was granted a conditional release because she received medical treatment within the country and did not travel abroad.[78] The six-month suspension has been granted for a total of six consecutive times, with the most recent one being on 18 September 2022.[79] Since Zia's release, the BNP campaigned for her unconditional release and for the ruling government to allow her to travel abroad.[80]
In preparation for the upcoming 2024 general election, the BNP launched a series of rallies which advocated for the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and the return of the caretaker government.[81] During a rally held in Dhaka on 10 December 2022, seven BNP lawmakers announced their resignation from the current government in demands of the dissolution of parliament, the formation of a new election commission, and allowing the election to be held under a neutral caretaker government.[82]
Student–People's uprising
BNP actively supported the 2024 Bangladesh quota reform movement.[83][84] Later, it joined the Non-cooperation movement against the Sheikh Hasina government.[85][86]
Post-revolution (2024–present)
After fall of Sheikh Hasina, BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia was set free.[87] Following her release she offered a speech to the nation after six years of imprisonment.[88] After interim government was formed, the party urged for democratic election.[89][90][91]
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Ideology
Summarize
Perspective
![]() | This section may contain an excessive amount of intricate detail that may only interest a particular audience. (August 2025) |
This section may be written in a style that is too abstract to be readily understandable by general audiences. (August 2025) |
Bangladesh Nationalist Party is a big tent party that has been cited as being on the centre[111] and centre-right[117] of the political spectrum with ideological base combining liberalism,[122] conservatism,[126] and economic liberalism.[127] Party's official website states its founding principles to be–"full faith and trust in Allah", Bangladeshi nationalism, democracy and socialism "in the sense of economic and social justice".[128]
BNP was originally formed when a political vacuum was occurring in Bangladesh, mainly resulting from the coups–countercoups of 1975. As a result, after the withdrawal of military rule, various politicians, regardless of party & ideological affiliation, joined the newly formed BNP to return to mainstream politics.[129] Many of them had contradictory ideologies to each other, including politicians from various Islamist parties to "pro-China left and NAP".[8] Canadian-Bangladeshi analyst Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed called early BNP "a coalition of convenience rather than ideology".[95] Many political experts, including Ahmed, believe that since BNP was born after Awami League was overthrown, the BNP was an attempt to establish a position in the areas where Awami League was moderate.[129][95]
Concerning the ideology, Syed Manjurul Islam, a professor of the English department at Dhaka University, stated,
Ziaur Rahman thought that he would do a particular politics based on Bangladesh which the left to the Islamists would be united. As a result, he would work forward keeping distance from those who believed in Bengali nationalism or the spirit of the Liberation War.[129]
According to the political analyst Maruf Mallick, BNP was founded as a centre-left, liberal and social democratic political party and the party's early political and economic policy was inspired by the Western European social liberal politics.[130]
Senior BNP leader Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain said about BNP's ideology,
The changes that were made in many fundamental issues become the basis or ideology of the party. [...] Bangladeshi nationalism, faith in Allah, Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim and establishment of a justice-based society - these are BNP was born with these as ideals. At the same time, BNP promoted private ownership and a free market economy. BNP still stands on these ideals.[129]
Nationalism
Bangladeshi nationalism is the central ideology of the party.[131] It was adopted from the 19-point program, which declared, "The sovereignty and independence of Bangladesh, golden fruits of the historic liberation struggle, is our sacred trust and inviolable right."[citation needed] According to its founder Ziaur Rahman, the "Bangladeshi" identity, based on its history, traditions, culture and geographical territory, is different from the neighbouring nations and unique to itself.[132] Maruf Mallick argued that Zia wanted to move away from "narrow minded" ethnic and religious nationalism and wanted to create the identity of the citizens on the basis of the state, basically on the model of Western or Northern European countries.[118] BNP's declaration supports a populism based on nationalism.[133]
Economy
The party fiscally call itself socialist,[128] and claim to have practiced "people's democracy".[133] Founding principles of the party included social and economic justice in light of socialism.[128] But pragmatically, BNP promote economic liberalism and support a free-market economy with limited intervention.[134] Ziaur Rahman believed that the previous socialist-influenced economy had been in a poor shape because of "years of colonial-style exploitation". To abate the deteriorating conditions, a revamp of the economic system is required. According to Mubashar Hasan, this new economic system was primarily an "outline for a capitalist system".[135] According to Mallick, early BNP was inspired by the European social liberal policies which supported equal distribution of wealth and social welfare but opposed strong economic regulatory policies of its predecessor Awami League.[130]
Religion
BNP's position on religion remains complicated and changed over time. The founding manifesto of the BNP claims that the people of Bangladesh want to "...see that all-out faith and confidence in the almighty Allah, democracy, nationalism". Although the party does not officially call itself Islamic, its official website states that the party aims to "preserve the age old human values of the Bangladeshi people through the teaching of Islam–religion of the majority of Bangladeshi people and other religions".[134] At the same time, the party also promotes religious freedom and tolerance as a component of Bangladeshi nationalism. Many founding leaders of the party were non-Muslims. Ziaur Rahman rejected theocracy as the governing system for Bangladesh.[136]
In recent times, there were several instances where party were seemed to depict itself secular, such as claims by their leaders,[137] discrediting religious scriptures to politics,[138][139][140] and vowing to uphold secular identity of the country.[141] In 2018, Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir stated that BNP doesn't believe in Shariah law as well as rejecting fundamentalism.[142] After July Revolution, the party was also seen uninterested to align with its longtime political partner Jamaat-e-Islami[120] and formally cut off ties in August 2024.[143] The party has also shown signs of shifting away from its traditional moderate Islamic values, adopting positions that appear more aligned with secular political principles.[144][145] Despite this, BNP publicly denies being secular or pluralist.[146]
According to Mallick, BNP is not a religion-based party in a traditional sense and it has a moderate stance on religion.[130] BNP's stance for conservatism represents "a mixture of traditional Bengali customs and moderate Islam".[147] Mir Aftabuddin Ahmed opined:
"Often perceived as a conservative entity due to its previous alliances with Islamist groups, much of the BNP's policy agenda during its nearly 15 years in government was not inherently Islamist. In fact, with a few exceptions, it leaned more toward right- or left-of-centre ideals. However, from 2001 to 2006, the party became too closely associated with Jamaat, making it easy to conflate the BNP's ideology with Jamaat's."[95]
BNP joint secretary Syed Emran Saleh Prince described the party as a "religion-friendly political party", while rejecting religion-based politics. He stated the party believes in religious values, religious freedom, "trust and faith in Almighty Allah", and communal harmony. Speaking of BNP's position, he said:[148]
"After independence, the Awami League imposed irreligiousness in the name of secularism. Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman respected the sentiments of the majority people by adding Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim and religious values and trust and faith in Almighty Allah in place of secularism. BNP continues to uphold that policy of Shaheed Zia."
Voter base
Being a big tent party, the BNP generally tries to appeal and secure support from different communities, classes and occupations. However, for historical and ideological reasons, some "core group" of supporters always support the party. According to the political scientist Rounaq Jahan, the BNP was "founded with greater support from the urban and higher income groups, particularly civil and military bureaucracy and business community."[149]
A June 2025 survey conducted by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on the Bangladeshis aged between 15 and 35 found that the BNP's projected vote share was higher than any other parties in the country; and comparatively high among the young males and the urban younths of the country, comparing with the young females and the rural youths, respectively. The survey found that 38.78% youths intended to vote the BNP in 2026 general election; while 40% males and 37.03% females, and 37.72% rural and 39.77% urban youths intended to vote the party.[150]
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Policies
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Perspective
Domestic policy
In 1978, President Zia amended the constitution which gave president more effective control over the cabinet and the parliament. After 1979 parliamentary election, Zia formed a cabinet where civil–military bureaucrats dominated. Apart from the cabinet, they also dominated the secretariat, the National Economic Council (NEC), the planning commission and the public corporations. During then, BNP emerged as a multi-dimensional "umbrella" party.[100]
Upon taking power, Ziaur Rahman introduced a state-sponsored Islamization process that had a significant impact on Bangladeshi society and culture.[147] His government replaced secularism with the phrase "absolute faith and trust in Almighty Allah" as a fundamental principle through the fifth amendment to the constitution. His government also adopted a conservative family planning programme to control population growth.[151]
The BNP has focused on the emancipation of socially backward and marginalized people, such as the women, the Bedes, the Dalits, the Harijans, the transgenders etc.[152][151] During Begum Khaleda Zia's first term, her government carried out significant reform in the education sector and national curricula and to encourage female and universal education. Primary education was made free and compulsory and budget allocated to this sector was sharply increased.[153][154][155] These reforms were recognized internationally.[156]
The BNP is also notable for being the only major party — compared to the Awami League and Jamaat-e-Islami — whose constitution explicitly references women as a labor force. The 2008 BNP constitution commits "to make appropriate and proper use of human resources including labour power of women."[157]
Economic policy
During Mujib era, the state development strategy envolved every possible way to the extension of protectionism. After Zia's ascension to the power, new strategy was taken to encourage private enterprise with a primary goal of maximization of GNP growth rate. Zia's government revised the First Five-Year Plan (1973–1978) taken by the Mujib government and formulated a "Three year hard core plan" for remaining three years. This was followed by the Two-Year Plan (1978–80) and the Second Five Year Plan (1980–85).[100] Ziaur Rahman gave special importance to the development of agriculture. He also planned an integrated collective farming system.[118]
In parallel, the BNP promoted women's economic empowerment by facilitating access to low-interest loans, supporting entrepreneurship training, and implementing measures to remove social and cultural barriers.[157] The party's Vision 2030 highlights the goal of integrating women fully into all sectors of economic activity, reflecting its commitment to enhancing women's participation in national development.[158] During its tenure, the BNP implemented policies providing favorable loans and tax incentives to women entrepreneurs, and promoted small and cottage industries where women's participation is significant.[159]
Foreign policy

The main objective of BNP's foreign policy is to maintain good relationships with the Western world, the Muslim World and the Third World,[134] as well as to maintain a balanced relationship with India. BNP has been described as Indosceptic many times.[147][160] After Ziaur Rahman became the president, his government started to distance themselves from India. Some sources say that the Indo-Bangladesh relations were at their worst in memory during Rahman's presidency.[161]: 93 Anti-Indo-Soviet axis foreign policy was initiated.[161]: 94 On 11 December 1991, in an interview with The Hindu, then Prime Minister Khaleda Zia said, "We do not want to see the rise of any major power in this region, because it will disturb the peace, stability and balance in this region", here she meant India as the major power.[161]: 117
In 2024, some of the BNP leaders, including Ruhul Kabir Rizvi, joined the "Boycott India" campaign.[113][162] In August 2024, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir expressed a desire to "move past previous differences and collaborate", assuring India that the BNP would not permit activities that would threaten India's security, but stated that relations would decline if India did not extradite Hasina.[163] Many BNP leaders opined that good relationship with India was necessary for keeping stability in the internal politics of Bangladesh.[120]
Ziaur Rahman's government focused on the strengthening of its relationship with the Muslim world and the Arab world. His government amended the Constitution adding articles 25(1) & 25(2) declaring the establishment of brotherhood with the Muslim countries. Until he died in 1981, Rahman regularly visited Muslim countries. Following his predecessor Mostaq, his government continued the close relationship with Pakistan. His government abandoned secularism and socialism in favour of building good ties with the Muslim world.[161]: 94
Besides, Ziaur Rahman facilitated the investment of Western capital in the country by taking liberal economic measures.[161]: 94 His government improved relations with United States and China.
BNP government's foreign policy during the second premiership of Khaleda Zia between 2001 and 2006 was called "Look East Foreign Policy". In 2002, Prime Minister Zia visited Thailand, Myanmar and China and met with the leaders of those countries to expand Bangladesh's foreign policy to the east.[161]: 98
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National Standing Committee
As of 16 August 2024, standing committee members are followings:[164][165]
- Khaleda Zia
- Tarique Rahman
- Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir
- Khandaker Mosharraf Hossain
- Jamiruddin Sircar
- Rafiqul Islam Miah
- Mirza Abbas
- Gayeshwar Chandra Roy
- Abdul Moyeen Khan
- Nazrul Islam Khan
- Amir Khasru Mahmud Chowdhury
- Salahuddin Ahmed
- Selima Rahman
- Iqbal Hasan Mahmud Tuku
- Major Hafizuddin Ahmed (Retd.)
- AZM Zahid Hossain
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Controversies
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The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) faced widespread criticism during and after its 2001–2006 tenure, marked by allegations of corruption, nepotism, and political violence. Major incidents such as the August 21 grenade attack, the 2005 nationwide bombings, and the 10-truck arms haul undermined public trust and highlighted governance failures. Following the end of its mandate, further corruption claims and deteriorating rule of law intensified public discontent, contributing to the party's declining reputation.[166][167][168][169]
BNP's de facto command center, known as the Hawa Bhaban became controversial during the 2006–2008 political crisis for allegedly operating as a parallel government under Tarique Rahman, the party’s joint secretary and son of chairperson Khaleda Zia.[170][171]
On 9 July 2025, a scrap trader named Lal Chand Sohag was killed on the premises of Mitford Hospital in Dhaka, Bangladesh. A video of the incident, which circulated widely on social media, showed Sohag being stripped, hacked, stoned, and his dead body being stomped on by the attackers.[172][173] The attackers were reportedly affiliated with the Jatiotabadi Jubodal, Swechhasebak Dal, and Chatra Dal — the youth, volunteer and student wings of the BNP.[174] The incident occurred in broad daylight and drew widespread public condemnation. In response, law enforcement authorities arrested four suspects in connection with the case.[175] The BNP subsequently expelled five members allegedly involved in the incident, following nationwide criticism and protests.[176][177]
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Election results
Presidential elections
Jatiya Sangsad elections
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See also
- Politics of Bangladesh
- List of political parties in Bangladesh
- 5th National Council of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party
- General Secretary of Bangladesh Nationalist Party
- Other wings:
- Jatiotabadi Samajik Sangskritik Sangstha
- Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Matsyajeebi Dal
- Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Ainjibi Forum
- Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Tati Dal
- Bangladesh Jatiotabadi Muktijoddha Dal
- Doctors Association of Bangladesh
- Agriculturists Association of Bangladesh
- Bangladesh Sammilito Peshajibi Parishad
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Citations
Bibliography
External links
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