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French Republicans under the July Monarchy
Political event From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Although the Three Glorious Days were primarily the result of the efforts of many dedicated Republicans, the liberals succeeded in establishing a second constitutional monarchy at the expense of the Republicans. The events of 1830 favored the liberal bourgeoisie, who were better organized to establish a new regime and opposed the establishment of a republic. Consequently, the Republicans resumed their opposition to a regime they did not support.
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Republicans at the dawn of the July Monarchy
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Disappointment with the new regime
Following the July Revolution of 1830, known as the Three Glorious Days, France experienced widespread revolutionary enthusiasm. New political societies emerged, and existing ones from the Bourbon Restoration period were revitalized. Notable groups included the Society of the Friends of the People, the Society of Human Rights, and the Society of the Constitution. The Society of the Friends of the People was particularly prominent, opposing King Louis-Philippe I's rise and advocating for a republic.[1] Universities formed leagues to address illiteracy, and on September 21, 1830, a crowd gathered to commemorate the Four Sergeants of La Rochelle, executed in 1822.[2] The revolution inspired European movements, including the Belgian Revolution against Dutch rule, Polish resistance to Russian control, and Italian unification efforts. While absolutist regimes viewed France's revolutionary momentum with concern, liberals in Europe and the United States, which planned a commemoration of the Treaty of Paris (1783), initially welcomed the establishment of a monarchy perceived as responsive to popular aspirations, though this optimism soon faded.[3]
Expectations that the July Monarchy would embody republican ideals, as described by Adolphe Thiers as a "republic disguised as a monarchy," quickly faded. King Louis-Philippe's symbolic gestures, such as awarding "July medals" to participants of the July Revolution, failed to quell growing discontent.[4] By September 1830, François Guizot, the new Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet of Jacques Laffitte, initiated arrests for "inciting hatred against the king," targeting some medal recipients.[4] Republicans viewed the 1830-elected chamber as illegitimate, with the Society of the Friends of the People rejecting it as contrary to their revolutionary principles.[5] Despite some republican-supported reforms, such as abolishing hereditary peerage, the chamber passed repressive laws reminiscent of the 1820s, including censorship and restrictions on associations, prompting student strikes in protest.[6] At Benjamin Constant's funeral in 1830, Republican leader Ulysse Trélat declared the July Monarchy an adversary, signaling their commitment to continue the struggle.[7]
La Fayette, instrumental in Louis-Philippe's rise to the throne during the July Monarchy, grew disillusioned with the regime. Recognizing this, Louis-Philippe and his ministers pressured La Fayette to resign as head of the National Guard, which he did on December 27, 1830.[8] The subsequent resignation of Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure as Minister of Justice marked a significant split between Orléanists and Republicans.[9] Soon after, Armand Marrast and Cavaignac, supported by the newspaper Le National and the Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera society, formed new republican associations to counter potential legitimist threats and assert Republican influence.[9] The Republican movement was divided on strategy: figures like Ulysse Trélat, Étienne Cabet, Philippe Buchez, Marrast, and Garnier-Pagès favored political opposition, while Cavaignac, Jules Bastide, and Étienne Arago supported insurrection.[10] Republican agitation manifested in events like the trial of Charles X's ministers, where an unexpected life imprisonment verdict, contrary to Republican expectations of execution, sparked a brief, suppressed uprising.[11] Further unrest, including the sacking of Saint-Germain l'Auxerrois during anti-Carlist protests, contributed to the collapse of the Laffitte ministry, which was succeeded by the government under Casimir Pierre Périer.[12]
Casimir Périer vs. the Republicans
Casimir Périer summarized his political stance with a single phrase: "At home, order without sacrifice to liberty; abroad, peace without cost to honor." His position toward the Republicans soon became clear. Initially, Périer sought to reassure them by passing electoral reform, but he quickly opposed their proposal to remunerate deputies. In 1831, deputies were unpaid for their mandates, which allowed the government to control modest representatives by offering them civil service positions. A notable example was Paul Dubois, director of Le Globe and a former Carbonari, who was offered a high-ranking administrative position and was ultimately "neutralized" by the regime.[13] The government went even further in its repression, declaring an administrative purge. All deputies who had joined republican associations formed during the July Monarchy were dismissed. Key republican officeholders, including prosecutors, judges, and mayors, were removed from their positions. Odilon Barrot and Alexandre de Laborde resigned, the former from the Seine prefecture and the latter from the Seine prefecture and Laborde from the Paris municipal council. Eugène Cavaignac, then a junior army officer, was suspended for telling his colonel that he would never take up arms against the Republicans. The purge, orchestrated by the parti de la résistance, was largely successful.[14] In April 1831, Périer instructed public prosecutors to "wage an unrelenting war against the Republicans," marking the beginning of an intense crackdown on republican newspaper editors. According to Georges Weill, republican publications, especially La Tribune,[15] faced constant lawsuits. Périer’s government also sought to weaken key republican leaders, culminating in the so-called Trial of the Nineteen. The Minister of Justice prosecuted nineteen Republicans, including Cavaignac, Guinard, Marrast, Trélat, and Bastide—accusing them of exploiting unrest during the trial of Charles X’s ministers to incite a riot. However, their defense proved highly effective. The three republican lawyers, including Louis Michel, delivered arguments that allowed the acquaintance of all nineteen, prompting ovations from the courtroom.[16]
The first Canut revolt in Lyon in 1831 energized the Republican opposition, highlighting the need to advocate for workers' rights, including those of the proletariat. Building on the momentum of the 1830 July Revolution, Republicans established educational committees and free schools, challenging the traditional authority of the State and Church over education. Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure founded the Association pour l'instruction gratuite du peuple (Association for the Free Education of the People), and Lazare Carnot revived an earlier educational society.[17] François Guizot, then Minister of Education, responded to the Republicans' growing influence by passing an education law in 1833.[17] Republicans also began producing publications for workers in 1831, inspired by English Methodists, with support from Saint-Simonians.[18] However, ideological differences led to a split with the Saint-Simonians, who did not prioritize a republican regime.[19][20] In November 1831, Étienne Cabet published Péril de la situation présente in support of the Canuts and, in 1833, founded Le Populaire, a newspaper focused on workers' issues, alongside Philippe Buchez, both prominent advocates for the working class.[21]
The successes of the Republican movement prompted Casimir Pierre Périer to escalate measures against them. In January 1832, the "Trial of the Fifteen" targeted key members of the Society of the Friends of the People.[22] Similar to the previous year's "Trial of the Nineteen," the trial served as a platform for Republican oratory. Ulysse Trélat and particularly François-Vincent Raspail challenged the government with compelling speeches, with Raspail highlighting France's social inequalities, noting that two-thirds of its 32 million people were starving.[23] Despite Raspail's two-year prison sentence and a 1,000-franc fine, his words resonated widely in the republican press, the Chamber of Deputies, and universities.[24] The Republicans were encouraged by this, and Périer's death from the 1832 cholera epidemic was viewed as an opportunity for a government more aligned with popular demands.[25]
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Direct opposition to the Orléanists
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Insurrection of 1832
On May 22, 1832, thirty-nine opposition deputies, including Republicans and liberals dissatisfied with the July Monarchy, met at Jacques Laffitte’s residence to issue the Compte rendu des 39 (Report of the 39). Intended to outline the left-wing opposition’s goals, the manifesto instead criticized the July Monarchy, describing the July Revolution as a "wasted effort" and advocating for a republic as the only legitimate government.[26] Signed on May 28, the report significantly impacted the political landscape, boosting Republican confidence. The death of young Republican Évariste Galois in a duel further galvanized the movement, with his June 2 funeral serving as a platform to discuss potential uprisings.[27] Amid rising ultra-royalist activity, exemplified by the revival of the Chouannerie, the death of General Jean Maximilien Lamarque from the 1832 cholera epidemic intensified Republican resolve. They organized a procession on June 5 to honor Lamarque and commemorate Polish nationalists killed in their fight against Russian rule.[28]
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On June 5, 1832, a procession in Paris honoring the death of General Jean Maximilien Lamarque turned violent when some participants attempted to spark a republican insurrection, known as the June Rebellion. The uprising gained initial support from elements of the National Guard, threatening to destabilize the city.[26] King Louis-Philippe responded swiftly, rallying his troops to restore order. The rebellion weakened when the authors of the Compte rendu des 39 shifted their focus from republicanism to demanding reforms within the July Monarchy, and key republican leaders, including La Fayette, either withdrew or faced arrest.[29] By June 6, the royal army quelled the uprising, and the monarchy, refusing concessions to leaders like Odilon Barrot, emerged victorious.[29] The crackdown angered Republicans, notably Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, who criticized the irony of a regime born from the 1830 barricades now suppressing similar protests.[30] The insurrection's origins remain debated, with some attributing it to Éléonore-Louis Godefroi Cavaignac of the Society of the Friends of the People, acting independently, possibly aiming to install Napoleon II.[31] Others point to the Société Gauloise de Deschapelles as a key organizer, based on police reports.[32]
Arrival of Thiers
Following the June Rebellion of 1832, the French government, facing significant unrest, dissolved the Society of the Friends of the People after a trial where Éléonore-Louis Godefroi Cavaignac criticized Article 291 of the Penal Code for restricting freedom of association, arguing it was vital for addressing social issues.[33] In October 1832, Adolphe Thiers, appointed Minister of the Interior, intensified efforts to curb Republican activities. Leveraging his experience from clandestine networks during the Bourbon Restoration, Thiers initiated over 300 lawsuits against republican publications, notably targeting La Tribune, edited by Armand Marrast, and Le Populaire, edited by Étienne Cabet, which had a circulation of 27,000.[6] The government imposed fines exceeding 215,000 francs on the republican press, a significant amount at the time.[34] In response, Republicans formed associations to defend press freedom, asserting that the press, rather than the limited electorate, represented the majority of the population and urging support to cover fines.[35]
The Republican opposition, supported by the newly formed Comité d'Action Central de Paris, organized into five specialized committees to coordinate their efforts. The Inquiry Committee, led by Étienne Cabet, Armand Marrast, and Joseph Guinard, investigated government restrictions on press freedom. The Legal Defense Committee, headed by Jacques-Charles Dupont de l'Eure, managed court defenses for Republicans. The Relief Committee, under Louis-Marie de Lahaye Cormenin, raised funds for imprisoned Republicans and their families. The Legislation Committee, led by Gilbert du Motier, Marquis de Lafayette, Armand Carrel, and Étienne Joseph Louis Garnier-Pagès, addressed legislative issues. The Central Press Committee, directed by Voyer d’Argenson and Éléonore-Louis Godefroi Cavaignac, oversaw republican press activities.[36] Supported by the Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera society and the Society for the Rights of Man, the successor to the Society of the Friends of the People, the committee appointed regional coordinators—Cabet for the East, Ulysse Trélat for the South, Garnier-Pagès for the North, and Berrier-Fontaine for the West—to strengthen provincial republican newspapers.[37] These efforts led to the revival of newspapers like one in Puy-de-Dôme by Trélat, Le Patriote de Juillet in Toulouse by Jacques Joly, and Le Patriote de la Côte-d’Or by Cabet.[37] In November 1833, workers, closely aligned with Republican associations, organized a strike, which Republican leaders supported. Adolphe Thiers, backed by his deputies, allowed the strike to falter due to insufficient provisions, forcing workers to resume work. This event prompted Thiers, François Guizot, and Victor de Broglie to escalate their crackdown on Republicans in 1834.[38]
1834
In early 1834, Adolphe Thiers, as Minister of the Interior, introduced a law requiring peddlers to obtain state authorization to distribute printed materials, limiting a traditional source of information for France’s largely illiterate population, who relied on peddlers to read newspapers and share almanacs.[39] This restriction triggered significant opposition, notably in Lyon, where silk workers (canuts) struck for a month, and in Nantes, where republican associations demanded universal suffrage for electing deputies.[40] On February 22, 1834, a new law banned unauthorized associations, except for artistic, religious, or literary groups, targeting republican organizations and workers’ mutual aid societies.[40] The law sparked widespread protests, with workers singing La Marseillaise and chanting republican slogans, and was broadly criticized, except by Orléanists, as overly repressive.[40] Thiers’ measures appeared designed to provoke a republican reaction that could justify further crackdowns. Republican leaders were divided, with some advocating confrontation and others urging caution to avoid entrapment, while the movement’s unity was weakened by the fragmentation of numerous local associations.[41]
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On April 9, 1834, the trial of canut leaders involved in the February uprising in Lyon began, drawing 6,000 demonstrators in support of the accused.[42] Tensions escalated when soldiers fired on an unarmed crowd during defense attorney Jules Favre’s plea, triggering the Massacre of the Rue Transnonain in Paris and prompting nationwide republican protests.[43] Although seditious plans in western France and the Jura were abandoned, the government responded with widespread arrests, detaining over 2,000 republican suspects across the country and conducting extensive house searches.[44] The republican press, including figures like Armand Marrast, faced severe censorship, with Marrast imprisoned at Sainte-Pélagie and Armand Carrel continuing resistance through Le National before going into exile in England.[45] The 1834 legislative elections yielded mixed results for Republicans, who lost seats but saw ideologically aligned figures like Jacques Laffitte and Odilon Barrot elected. In October 1834, the Chamber of Peers was designated a high court to try the 2,000 arrested suspects in what historian Pierre Larousse later called the "Monster Trial."[44][46]
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Trial and the period of decline
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Initiatives
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By late 1834, the Republican movement faced decline due to weak leadership and ineffective communication. In May 1835, the trial of the April 1834 insurgents, known as the "Monster Trial," began, with Republicans attempting to use it for propaganda.[47] However, their efforts faltered as they were labeled Jacobins, alienating the bourgeoisie, who took steps to prevent Republican gains.[47] Despite this, the court issued lenient sentences to avoid escalating tensions. Of the 2,000 defendants, 121 were convicted, with 43 tried in absentia. Most received multi-year prison terms, while some were acquitted or deported, and no death penalties were imposed to prevent creating republican martyrs.[47]
Following the "Monster Trial" of May 1835, the Republican movement weakened further, as the bourgeoisie distanced itself and public opinion increasingly viewed Republicans as agitators. On July 28, 1835, during a military review commemorating the July Monarchy’s anniversary, an explosive device detonated at 50 Boulevard du Temple, despite warnings of potential assassination attempts.[47] The royal family escaped unharmed, but General Mortier and 17 others were killed. The attackers, identified as Giuseppe Marco Fieschi and two accomplices tied to the Society for the Rights of Man, were tried, sentenced to death, and executed on February 19, 1836.[48] The attack significantly harmed the Republican movement’s public image.[47]
Reorganization
During the July Monarchy, the Republican movement diversified, with socialist ideologies gaining prominence. Thinkers like Louis Blanc and Louis Auguste Blanqui shaped these ideas, though their approaches differed.[49] Blanc advocated for social democracy and universal male suffrage, while Blanqui rejected electoral politics, favoring land collectivization. Despite a shared aim to overthrow the July Monarchy, Republicans and socialists were divided, with many Republicans opposing a social republic.[50] By the 1840s, the Republican movement was weakened by internal divisions among socialists, neo-communists, and moderates, and while secret societies proliferated, their impact remained limited.[51] Key disputes focused on the right to work and government involvement in social issues, with moderates rejecting intervention and radicals, inspired by the Canut revolts, advocating for linking government authority with social reform.[52]
After the banning of Armand Marrast’s La Tribune des départements, new Republican publications emerged, including Louis Blanc’s La Revue du Progrès in 1839 and La Réforme in 1843, founded by Alexandre Auguste Ledru-Rollin, Louis-Eugène Cavaignac, and Victor Schœlcher. These outlets advocated for male suffrage and freedom of association, rights curtailed by the April 10, 1834, law. Republicans also contributed to Le National, associated with Adolphe Thiers, to promote republican ideals among the petite bourgeoisie.[53]
In 1839, a Republican insurrection, led by radicals Louis Auguste Blanqui and Armand Barbès and organized by the Jacobin-inspired Society of the Seasons, attempted to overthrow the July Monarchy.[49] Poorly coordinated, the revolt failed to capture Paris’s city hall, and its leaders were quickly arrested.[54] In 1841, Republicans, alongside legitimists, supported rural riots opposing Finance Minister Georges Humann’s plan to reassess the portes et fenêtres tax, claiming François Guizot’s government sought to reinstate Ancien Régime taxation and increase tax burdens.[55]
During the legislative elections of 1839, several republican deputies, including Louis-Antoine Garnier-Pagès, François Arago, and Hippolyte Carnot, were elected to the Chamber of Deputies. In subsequent elections, around ten republicans gained seats. The growing acceptance of republicans was partly influenced by evolving historiography, with intellectuals like Jules Michelet and Louis Blanc working to dissociate the French Revolution from the Reign of Terror.[56]
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Republican resurgence
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Actions toward a new revolution
In the late 1830s and early 1840s, France faced economic hardship due to poor harvests, the collapse of railroad speculation, and François Guizot’s conservative policies. These factors contributed to the country’s last major famine, triggering food riots and widespread unrest. The government’s adherence to laissez-faire principles and refusal to intervene exacerbated the crisis. Amid growing discontent, Republicans gained renewed political prominence.[57]
François Guizot’s government alienated rural populations through policies such as the 1844 hunting permit requirement, perceived as undermining rights established since the French Revolution of 1789 and evoking fears of a return to Ancien Régime practices. Although the February 1848 insurrection was primarily driven by Parisians, the lack of rural counter-revolts contributed to the legitimacy of the new republican regime.[58]
Banquets: A lethal weapon
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In early 1847, opposition Republicans and liberals organized political banquets to discuss reforms, initially supporting moderate change within the July Monarchy. The first banquet, held in Paris on July 9, 1847, featured Odilon Barrot addressing 1,200 attendees. As the campaign expanded, with approximately 70 banquets held across cities like Autun, Dijon, and Toulouse, Republicans gained prominence, overshadowing the Dynastic Opposition, which favored reform while remaining loyal to the monarchy.[59] Discussions increasingly focused on social issues, including workers’ conditions and, in some cases, socialist ideas. At a Valenciennes banquet, attendees toasted “the abolition of misery through labor.” Prominent figures such as Alphonse de Lamartine, Louis Blanc, and Marie, who invoked “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity” in Orléans, participated. By January 1848, support for fundamental freedoms largely replaced loyalty to the monarchy. Republicans used these events to mobilize the petite and middle bourgeoisie, though radicals like Ledru-Rollin opposed bourgeois Orléanist involvement, advocating for a purely republican revolution.[59]
Revolution
In February 1848, the Guizot government faced mounting opposition. On February 17, conservative deputies proposed moderate reforms, which Guizot rejected. Amid the ongoing political banquet campaign, Guizot banned a planned banquet in Paris’ 12th arrondissement on February 21, intensifying Republican resolve for revolution. On February 22, approximately 3,000 demonstrators protested against the July Monarchy and Guizot, marching toward the Chamber of Deputies. Despite the King’s confidence in his 30,000-strong army, tensions escalated on February 23 when soldiers of the 14th Line Regiment fired on a crowd at Boulevard des Capucines, killing 50 people.[60] This violence fueled further unrest. On February 24, insurgents seized armories, and Louis-Philippe, unwilling to escalate bloodshed, lost control of Paris. Unlike the 1830 Revolution, which led to a constitutional monarchy, Republicans took decisive action. As the bourgeoisie sought to form a new government, Republicans stormed the Palais Bourbon, establishing a provisional government. Alphonse de Lamartine proclaimed the Second Republic, ending the July Monarchy.[60]
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Republican ideology under the July Monarchy
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Beyond the supporters of the Republic, the republican movement in 1830 also included socialists, Saint-Simonians, and Bonapartists.
Following the February 1848 Revolution, which established the Second French Republic after over three decades of monarchy, many progressive Orléanists and Legitimistssupported the new republic, welcoming the fall of the July Monarchy. Historian Maurice Agulhon termed them "Republicans of the day after," distinguishing them from "Republicans of the day before," who had long advocated for a republic.[61]
Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte's collaboration with monarchists during the Second Restoration ended the tentative alliance between Bonapartists and Republicans. This alignment weakened the Napoleonic legend, which had depicted Napoleon I as a figure tied to the French Revolution.[62]
Following the June 1848 events, the abandonment of a social republic caused a lasting split within the republican movement, dividing democratic-socialists,[63] who supported a social republic, from moderates, who favored a conservative republic. This ideological divide continued into the Third Republic, where radicals and opportunists often clashed, particularly over colonial policy.[64][65]
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