One country, one system

One country, one system (Chinese: 一国一制; pinyin: yīguó yīzhì) means that the People's Republic of China governs Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan in the same political and judicial system as the mainland, unlike one country, two systems; meaning the abolition of the Special Administrative Region and direct rule by the Central People's Government after the unification of Hong Kong, Macau or the future unification with Taiwan. In addition, some outside radical pro-Beijing figures have expressed their support^[1] to the implementation of one country, one system in Hong Kong.

History

Hong Kong

According to the Public Opinion Programme of the University of Hong Kong (HKUPOP), Hong Kong people's identification with the Chinese people had a slow upward trend after the handover of Hong Kong in 1997 and up to 2006, which can be attributed to the completion of the handover of Hong Kong's sovereignty in a conflict-free manner, which symbolizes the successful implementation of "one country, two systems", the success of China's bid for hosting the 2008 Summer Olympics, the economic downturn at the early stage of Hong Kong's handover, and the booming economic development of mainland China.^[2][3] However, after the 2008 Summer Olympics, Hong Kong people's political and cultural identification with mainland China (i.e. the People's Republic of China) began to decline^[4] due to the 2008 China Dairy Contamination Incident, the Wenchuan Earthquake donations, the Guo Meimei Red Cross Incident, the 2010 Guangzhou Campaign to Support the Cantonese Speaking Language, the obstruction of Liu Xiaobo's award, and the suppression of other human rights activists in mainland China. After Xi Jinping became the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in 2012, the confrontation between the Central Government and the Hong Kong public over the issue of universal suffrage for the election of the Chief Executive further intensified, leading to the outbreak of the Umbrella Revolution in 2014.^[5][6][7] Subsequently, the localist camp in Hong Kong rose to full power and the Hong Kong independence movement gained momentum. "One country, two systems" became the object of opposition from the Hong Kong public, and the view that it had failed in Hong Kong was constantly propagated and shared by public opinion in mainland China, while the government of the People's Republic of China always insisted that it was a political system that had been successful in Hong Kong.^[8]

Previously, the assumption of the future of Hong Kong in 2047 had already been derived from the Central Government's 50-year policy of no change. On the other hand, the mainlanders, who have political identification with the PRC government and identify with nationalism, have already been in confrontation with the Hong Kong people for a long time due to the conflicts between Hong Kong and the Mainland. Against this background, the view that Hong Kong should integrate with the mainland and implement "one country, one system" emerged. in December 2013, Hong Kong people took the initiative to create the first clash between Hong Kong's independence camp and the PLA Garrison, which was regarded by the People's Republic of China side as a symbolic event of the Hong Kong Independence Movement. Public opinion in mainland China demanded that those who clashed with the PLA be severely punished.^[9] In 2016, Hong Kong pro-Beijing writer Chris Wat (屈穎妍) sent a letter to Zhang Dejiang, then Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPC), in which she expressed her expectation for the implementation of "one country, one system" in Hong Kong. During his visit to Hong Kong in late May, Zhang Dejiang expressed his stance at a welcome dinner for all sectors of the community in Hong Kong, which was held on the evening of the 18th. During Zhang's visit to Hong Kong in late May, he stated at a welcome dinner organized by various sectors in Hong Kong on the evening of the 18th that "one country, two systems" and the Basic Law should be respected, and that "one country, two systems" should not be doubted, wavered or even denied, but this statement did not touch on the issue of "one country, one system".^[10][11]

In 2017, in an article written by Lam Fung (林峰), Associate Dean of the City University of Hong Kong School of Law, in response to the question of the future of Hong Kong in 2047, he said that in terms of the legal system alone, the implementation of "one country, one system" in 2047 was possible, but he believed that the continuation of "one country, two systems" was a more rational choice for the Central Government.^[12] Wang Zhenmin (王振民), dean of the Tsinghua University Law School, criticized in his book^[13] that the views of Hong Kong's future as "one country, one system" or [Hong Kong] independence were wrong perceptions. In May of the same year, in an interview with Wu Xiaoli, Tam Yiu-chung, a Hong Kong political figure who was then deputy director of the Committee on Social Affairs and the Rule of Law of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), talked about Hong Kong's eventual way out if it fails economically and politically after the termination of "one country, two systems". He pointed out that there was no hope for Hong Kong to become independent, and in the end, the only way out was to return to the one country, one system, which was not desired by Hong Kong people, and to be positioned as a city in China.^[14]

Controversy over China's implementation of de facto one country, one system has been repeatedly raised by critics outside of China since Xi Jinping became the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party and the supreme leader in 2012; on June 30, 2020, the Standing the 13th National People's Congress (NPC) passed the 2020 Hong Kong national security law. The NPC's legislative action aroused doubts in the West, including the United States government, that Hong Kong's "original one country, two systems had become [de facto] one country, one system".^[15][16]

See also

• Centralisation