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Rustam Mirza Safavi
Governor of Zamindawar and Garmsir From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Rustam Mirza Safavi (1565–1642) known as Rustam Qandahari[a], was an Iranian administrator, a prince of the Safavid dynasty, and an eminent grandee in the court of the Mughal Empire. Rustam Mirza belonged to a junior branch of the Imperial Safavids, who ruled over the Qandahar region. In 1578, at age 12, Rustam was appointed governor of Zamindawar and Garmsir (modern-day Afghanistan), by his cousin, Shah Mohammad Khodabanda. As an adult, Rustam became a significant destabilising force in the region, exercising semi-independent rule and launching invasions into neighboring Sistan and Qandahar to expand his domain, fostering a fierce rivalry with his brother, Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza. In the early 1590s, his failed attempt to establish an independent realm in Khorasan prompted his defection to the Mughal Empire.
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The Mughal emperors Akbar and Jahangir exploited Rustam’s status as a Safavid prince. His elevation to the position of the subahdar of Multan, which was strategically located near Qandahar, in 1593, facilitated the peaceful Mughal acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. Rustam’s growing influence within the Mughal administration, bolstered by his retinue, posed a latent threat to Safavid stability. He further entrenched his position through marital alliances, with two daughters marrying Mughal princes Parviz Mirza and Shah Shuja, and his eldest son wedded to the daughter of Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a key Mughal noble. Until his death in 1642, Rustam remained a potential challenge to the Safavid shah, Abbas the Great, compelling the latter to maintain diplomatic relations with the Mughals to preempt any movement to place Rustam on the Safavid throne.
The Safavid chronicler Iskandar Beg Munshi, serving under Abbas I, downplayed Rustam Mirza’s significance, portraying him and his family as marginal and non-threatening. This depiction likely served to justify Abbas’s centralisation of power within the Safavid dynasty, which successfully subdued the main imperial line but could not neutralise Rustam’s influence in Mughal India. Rustam’s son, Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman went on to become a distinguished Mughal amir and Emperor Aurangzeb's father-in-law, further perpetuating the tradition for his family.
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Name
"Rustam" (Persian: رستم) derives from the Middle Persian Rōtastakhm potentially originating from the Avestan *raotas-taxma, meaning "having the strength of the stream."[3] The name was chosen from the epic poem Shahnameh (The Book of Kings), a recurring trend among the Safavids, aiming at restoring and honouring Iranian culture and tradition.[4][b] In the Shahnameh, Rostam is a legendary hero from Sistan who becomes the protector of the Kayanian dynasty, kings of Iran, and their khvarenah, the divine glory symbolizing sovereignty and authority.[6]
From the 15th century, the Persian title Mirza, derived from amir-zada (son of an amir), was incorporated into the royal titulature of the Timurid dynasty to designate princes, a practice later adopted by subsequent dynasties.[7] In Safavid society, the placement of Mirza after a name signified the individual’s status as a royal prince, whereas when placed before a name, it indicated membership in the bureaucratic or scholarly class.[8]
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Background
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Safavid appanage system
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The Safavid dynasty of Iran, founded by Shah Ismail I (r. 1501–1524) adhered to the Turco-Mongol tradition, whereby all male members of the dynasty were eligible for succession.[9] The Safavids further legitimised their rule by claiming descent from Muhammad as sayyids, a status that endowed them with sacred and inviolable authority in the eyes of the Qizilbash, the Turkoman tribes forming the backbone of the Safavid military.[9][c]
Under the second Safavid shah, Tahmasp I (r. 1524–1576) the Safavid appanage system assigned governorships to princely brothers, who were rotated across the empire and supervised by a Qizilbash lala (tutor) to prevent the establishment of hereditary power bases.[13] However, this system carried risks, as evidenced by the rebellions of Sam Mirza and Alqas Mirza, supported by their lalas. Royal fratricide was generally avoided due to cultural disapproval and Tahmasp's brothers retained their potential threat until the end of their lives despite being imprisoned.[14]
The Bahrami Safavid lineage
Bahram Mirza, grandfather of Rustam Mirza and a full brother of Tahmasp I, remained consistently loyal to the shah, earning preferential treatment for his descendants.[15] Unlike other princely offspring, Bahram’s sons were granted governorships during adolescence, bypassing the need for a lala to mitigate Qizilbash influence, and were allowed prolonged tenure in their domains, contrary to Tahmasp’s policy of rotation. In 1558, Badi-al Zaman Mirza was appointed governor of Sistan, while Soltan Hosayn Mirza, Rustam’s father, seized Qandahar from the Mughal Empire; both retained their positions for life.[15][16]
Tahmasp's son and successor, Ismail II (r. 1576–1577) diverged from Turco-Mongol tradition by executing all his brothers except Mohammad Khodabanda.[14][d] The three sons of Bahram Mirza—Ibrahim, Badi-al Zaman and Soltan Hosayn—sought to establish independent domains, wary of Ismail II’s intentions.[21] Their failed attemts and subsequent deaths in 1577 prompted Ismail to target the Bahrami lineage for elimination.[21] He killed Soltan Hosayn's eldest son, who was present in his court in Qazvin and then, according to the contemporary historian Iskandar Beg Munshi, sent the orders for the murder of Soltan Hosayn's four remaining sons kept in Qandahar.[21][22] However, Ismail's death and his succession by his brother, Mohammad Khodabanda (r. 1578–1587), halted these plans.[23]
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Regional agitator
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Conflict with brother
In 1578, Rustam Mirza Safavi, born circa 1565, was appointed governor of Zamindawar and Garmsir at the age of 12, a decision stemming from Mohammad Khodabanda’s reinstatement of the Turco-Mongol tradition of tolerating cadet branches within the Safavid dynasty. Mohammad Khodabanda divided the Qandahar region among the sons of Soltan Hosayn Mirza, assigning Qandahar to the elder Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza (aged 15) and granting Zamindawar and Garmsir to Rustam.[24][e] Abu Sa'id and Sanjar, Rustam's younger brothers, were entrusted to his care.[24] Kur Hamza Beg, a Dhu'l-Qadr tribe member and former advisor to Soltan Hosayn, was appointed as the joint vakil (regent).[25] With this act, Mohammad Khodabanda formalised Qandahar as a princely appanage inherited by the sons of Soltan Hosayn.[24]
Despite Zamindawar’s agricultural productivity, Rustam found the revenues from his territories insufficient compared to Qandahar, a hub of international trade, sparking a rivalry with Mozaffar-Hosayn over their inheritance.[23][26] Hamza Beg sided with Rustam due to Mozaffar’s strained relationship with his vakil.[27] In 1581, Rustam and Hamza briefly occupied Qandahar, capturing Mozaffar but sparing his life in adherence to Safavid ideological principles.[27] From 1585, as the brothers reached adulthood, they faced increasing external and internal pressures.[26]
The brothers also vied for control of Sistan, previously governed by their uncle Badi-al Zaman Mirza and, after his death, by Najm al-Din Mahmud of the local Mihrabanid dynasty, whose rule was confirmed by Mohammad Khodabanda.[26][28] Disputing this, Rustam and Mozaffar invaded Sistan (on a date before 1590) but failed to secure it.[29] A peace agreement followed, stipulating that Mozaffar marry Najm al-Din’s daughter, Najm al-Din’s son wed Hamza Beg’s daughter, and Najm al-Din acknowledge Mozaffar and his descendants with deference.[29] Rustam, perceiving a threat from Mozaffar’s alliance with Sistan, continued their conflict, but Mozaffar, bolstered by Sistan’s support, prevailed in subsequent battles.[29] In 1589, Mozaffar executed Hamza Beg and his immediate successor, consolidating sole authority over Qandahar.[26] In 1590, Rustam launched a final campaign in Sistan, killing Najm al-Din but was expelled by Najm al-Din’s son, Jalal al-Din.[30][31] Thereafter, Rustam redirected his efforts toward Khorasan, marking the end of his campaigns in Sistan and Qandahar.[30]
The "Bahramid Empire"
In 1587, Abdullah Khan II, Uzbek ruler of Bukhara, launched an invasion into the Khorasan province of Safavid empire and captured many of the core settlements of the province, such as Herat, Mashhad and Nishapur.[32] The new shah of Iran and Khodabanda's son and successor, Abbas I (r. 1587–1629) mounted two unsuccessful campaigns against the Uzbeks in 1588 and 1589. The failure of the 1589 campaign led Suleiman Khalifa, the governor of Mashhad, to seek assistance from Rustam Mirza to counter the Uzbek occupation, a call supported by the Qizilbash amirs of Farah and Hazarajat.[33][30][34] Disaffected factions, particularly former allies of Murshid Quli Khan Ustajlu, rallied to Rustam and proclaimed him their shah.[35][f] Consequently, in the early 1590s, Rustam emerged as a rival claimant to Abbas I among the Qizilbash, challenging Safavid central authority.[30]
Rustam Mirza's venture into Khorasan began with his victory over an Uzbek raiding expedition from Samarkand who had murdered the merchants of a caravan. By avenging their death, Rustam increased his popularity in the region.[30] He established his court in Farah and began appointing governors to all cities of the province, although his authority was limited to the southern parts of Khorasan.[30] He also promoted Suleiman Khalifa's position, possibly appointing him as his vakil.[30] He sent envoys to Kerman, Fars and Sistan, inciting them to join his newly-founded polity—which the modern historian Liesbeth Geevers dubbed the "Bahramid Empire"—headed either by Rustam himself or by his elder brother, perhaps nominally, to display a united front.[37] Najm al-Din Mahmud refused the offer, which initiated Rustam's 1590 invasion into Sistan and furthermore thwarted his plan.[37]
This failure instead revitilised Rustam's Khorasan policy and strengthened the morale of his Qizilbash amirs.[30] He sent Suleiman Khalifa to relieve Ferdows and Torshiz from Uzbek occupation. The latter's Uzbek governor escaped to Khaf, where Din Mohammad Khan, the senior commander of the Uzbek army, resided.[38] The two armies met in Azghand in 1593 and during the ensuing battle, Suleiman Khalifa was killed and Rustam's forces were defeated.[30] According to the contemporary historian Mirza Beg Jonabadi, in the midst of the battle the Qizilbash received news that Shah Abbas had appointed Suleiman Khalifa as the new Governor of Khorasan. Their anger caused mayhem in the Qizilbash ranks and eventually most of the amirs deserted the army.[39]
Following the decline of Rustam's authority, he lost control of the regions of Zamindawar and Garmsir. The identity of the conqueror of Zamindawar is debated. According to Geevers (2015), Abdullah Khan II sent his nephews to seize Rustam's territories.[37] Conversely, Singh (2001) asserts that Rustam's brother launched a rapid invasion of Zamindawar, capitalising on Rustam's weakened prestige.[40] Rustam, accompanied by his remaining household, withdrew to Qalat.[40] During a hunting expedition, the local Bayat tribe revolted against his rule in Qalat. Despite resistance led by Rustam's mother, the Bayats captured the city and killed her. Rustam swiftly returned, quelled the rebellion, and executed numerous tribesmen.[41] Facing increasing isolation, with no support from neighboring provinces or the central government under Abbas I, Rustam sought assistance from the Mughal Empire.[30][37]
Exodus to India
In 1591, Rustam Mirza initiated contact with the Mughal emperor Akbar (r. 1556–1605), who sought to extend his dominion over Qandahar.[43] By early 1593, with most of his territories overrun by hostile forces, Rustam, holding only the city of Qalat, sought an alliance with Akbar. He communicated through Sharif Khan Atga, whom Akbar had appointed governor of Ghazni and trusted as a mediator, expressing his willingness to enter Mughal service and offering Qalat as a token of loyalty.[43][41]
Rustam also engaged Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a prominent Mughal aristocrat, to facilitate negotiations, including with the ruler of Thatta, fostering a lasting and beneficial alliance.[g] For Akbar and his minister Abul Fazl, securing Rustam’s allegiance was strategically vital, as it offered a low-cost opportunity to capture Qandahar, especially given the Mughal Empire’s ongoing challenges in Kabul and Kashmir. The concurrent conflict between Abbas I and the Uzbeks in Khorasan further enabled Akbar to pursue this opportunity. Rustam’s submission, as a Safavid prince and pretender, also enhanced the Mughal Empire’s universalist ideological claims.[43]
In the late summer of 1593, Rustam Mirza surrendered the keys of Qalat to a Mughal representative, likely Sharif Khan Atga, in exchange for safe passage and provisions to join Akbar’s court.[48] Accompanied by his younger brother Sanjar Mirza, his four sons (Murad, Shahrukh, Hasan, and Ibrahim), his staff, and approximately 400 Qizilbash retainers, Rustam faced repeated Uzbek attempts to intercept his caravan.[49]
On October 4, 1593, the entourage reached the Chenab River near Lahore, where Akbar was encamped.[48] They were received by a subordinate of Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, possibly linked to Rustam’s connections, and accommodated in tents by the river, with tents, carpets, and other items dispatched from the imperial stores via Qara Beg Turkman. Hakim-ul-Mulk, a Mughal diplomat, presented Rustam with a ceremonial belt and bejeweled dagger, and a delegation of amirs, including Sharif Khan Atga, Asaf Khan, and Shah Beg Khan, escorted him to a point four kos (approximately 18 kilometers) from Lahore.[41] There, Khan-i-Khanan and Zain Khan Koka, one of Akbar’s milk brothers, took over the escort.[48]
On October 8, 1593, during the Hindu festival of Dussehra, commemorating Rama’s victory over Ravana, Rustam and his retinue entered Lahore and proceeded to the palace, where he swore allegiance to Akbar.[48] Rustam was granted a high-ranking mansab (courtly rank) of 5,000/1,500[h], symbolising his command over a substantial force and proximity to the emperor, along with a gift of one crore of muradi tankas, the subahdary (governorship) of Multan, which bordered Qandahar, and several parganas (groups of villages) in Balochistan.[52][41] Later, he received a flag and drum, further signifying his status.[41] His brother, Mirza Abu Sa’id, who had remained in Qandahar, also joined Mughal service.[41] Rustam's significant receptions, accompanied by the elaborate protocol and laden with astrological considerations and religious symbolism, underscored his importance for the emperor.[48][i]
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In the Mughal court
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Under Akbar
Detail of Rustam Mirza Safavi from Jahangir Receiving Sheikh Sa'di in Audience by Abu'l-Hasan, a double page composition depicting Mughal Emperor Jahangir surrounded by his courtiers on the left panel and anachronistically showing the 13th-century Persian poet Saadi Shirazi presenting his book to the emperor on the right (not shown here), circa 1615.[53]
The strategic proximity of Multan to Qandahar, combined with Rustam Mirza’s elevated mansab rank of 5,000 and substantial subsidy of 100 lakhs of muradi tankas (around 400,000 rupees), indicates, according to Ibáñez, that Akbar explicitly recognised Rustam as a legitimate claimant to Qandahar and intended for him to pursue its conquest. The funds provided, equivalent to nearly fifty times the annual salary of a yuzbashi (a commander of 100), would enable Rustam to maintain a force of approximately 5,000 cavalrymen.[51] Conversely, the grandeur of Akbar’s reception of Rustam may also have been intended to persuade Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza, then engaged in conflicts with the Uzbeks, to surrender Qandahar to the Mughals, presenting India as a secure refuge for him and his family.[49][54]
Nevertheless, Akbar’s recognition of Rustam Mirza’s status facilitated a strategic marital alliance, with Rustam arranging the marriage of his eldest son to the daughter of Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan before leaving Lahore in 1593. Emulating Khan-i-Khanan’s approach, Rustam refrained from joining Akbar’s Din-i Ilahi, the syncretic religious movement promoted by the emperor among his key courtiers.[51]
In 1594, Rustam Mirza assumed the governorship of Multan and began administering the region.[55] According to Abul Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari, Rustam’s rule was marked by oppressive governance, with his subordinates engaging in excessive exploitation of the populace. Consequently, local complaints reached Akbar, who, by the end of the same year,[49] relocated Rustam to the sarkar of Chittor.[54][41] Ibáñez, citing Ma’asir al-Umara by Samsam ud Daula Shah Nawaz Khan, places this transfer in 1597, following the Mughal acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. He further argues that Akbar’s primary objective was securing Qandahar, and Rustam’s heavy taxation in Multan—described as “desolating the population” in Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh by ʽAbd al-Qadir Badayuni—was part of the mirza's efforts to finance and lead a potential Mughal invasion of the city.[56] Singh expresses uncertainty about Rustam’s whereabouts in 1595, noting that he was summoned to Akbar’s court from the sarkar of Sirhind, in the subah of Delhi northwest of Multan, rather than Chittor in Rajasthan, concluding that Rustam may have remained active in the greater Punjab area.[41]
In 1595, Mozzafar-Hosayn Mirza, Rustam's brother, defected to the Mughal Empire and ceded sovereignty of Qandahar to the Mughals.[57] To secure the region, Akbar dispatched an army of 10,000 in March 1595, but by April, rebellions erupted in Zamindawar and Garmsir, led by forces loyal to Rustam’s rule.[56] Acknowledging the potential instability of appointing Rustam, a local Safavid prince, as governor of Qandahar, Akbar opted to prevent the Bahrami-Safavid lineage from reclaiming regional influence by assigning its members prestigious but distant administrative roles.[58][j]
Thus in the same year, Mozzafar-Hosayn gained the jagir (land grant) of Sambhal[59] and Rustam's fief was expanded to include the rebellious northern Pathan hills, where he was dispatched with a Mughal army to subdue the leader of the mountain chieftains, Raja Basu Dev of Nurpur.[41][60] Despite tensions with his second-in-command, Asaf Khan, Rustam Mirza successfully led his Mughal forces through the Pathan hills and besieged the fort of Mankot, capturing Raja Basu within two months.[41][61] Rustam then escorted Raja Basu to Lahore, where, in the presence of Akbar, Basu agreed to cede the Pathan region to the Mughal Empire.[61] In 1597, Rustam was granted the governorship of Raisen and its surrounding estates, where he resided for a period.[41]
Since 1600, Mughal forces under Daniyal Mirza, Akbar's son, were engaged in a protracted siege of Ahmednagar Fort during their campaign against the Nizam Shahi dynasty of Ahmednagar. The prolonged operation resulted in severe resource shortages and frequent enemy raids, placing the Mughal troops in a precarious position. In response to Daniyal’s call for reinforcements, Akbar sent Rustam Mirza from Burhanpur with an army and a substantial grant of one lakh ashrafis (gold coins), into the Deccan.[41] Rustam joined forces with Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, the sipah-salar (commander-in-chief) of the Mughal invasion, and fought in the final assault that led to the conquest of Ahmednagar.[49]
In 1604, Khan-i-Khanan tasked Rustam and his son Iraj with leading a contingent of seasoned soldiers to the northern bank of the Bhima River to escort Sultan Begum, daughter of Ibrahim Adil Shah II of Bijapur and the bride-to-be of Daniyal Mirza, to Ahmednagar for their wedding.[62] On April 1604, Rustam’s party reached Sultan Begum’s camp, where he met Asad Beg Qazvini, an Iranian noble in Akbar’s service who later documented the event in his memoirs.[63] Asad Beg records that Rustam, accompanied by his Rajput soldiers, formed the advance guard of the entourage, successfully escorting the princess to Ahmednagar before Daniyal Mirza’s arrival, thereby completing the mission.[64]
Under Jahangir
Detail of Rustam Mirza Safavi as one of the courtiers of Ajmer in Jahangir Receives Prince Khurram at Ajmer on His Return from the Mewar Campaign by Balchand, circa 1635, part of the Padshahnama
During the early years of Emperor Jahangir’s reign (r. 1605–1627), Rustam Mirza remained active in the Deccan, dedicating significant efforts to suppressing Malik Ambar, the leader of the Nizam Shahi resistance. Despite his endeavours, Rustam was unable to subdue the resilient opposition. and was thus recalled by Jahangir to Agra in 1612.[65][41] Since his arrival at the royal court coincided with the death of Mirza Ghazi Beg of Thatta, Jahangir elevated his mansab to 5000/5000, which was Ghazi Beg's own rank and appointed him the subahdar of Thatta.[65][66]
According to Ma'asir al-umara, the emperor provided Rustam with guidance on administering justice and instructed him to expel the Arghuns and Tarkhans, who had dominated the region since the early 16th century, along with their long-standing vakil, Khusrau Khan the Circassian, who had served their family for four generations, to prevent potential rebellions.[41] Mir Abdur Razzaq, a member of the distinguished Iranian Ma'muri family, was appointed as Rustam Mirza’s treasurer in Thatta. His duties included overseeing revenue disbursements, assessing the jama dami (revenue assessment), and allocating jagirs to Rustam and his dependents.[67]
Although Rustam was able to completely eradicate any remaining Arghun-Tarkhan influence over the Sindh,[68] his governance was marked by excessive harshness, leading to numerous complaints.[69] Consequently, in 1615, Jahangir recalled Rustam to court and briefly imprisoned him in Gwalior under the supervision of Anup Rai, the head jailer, where his oppressive tendencies were "cured".[69][70] Shortly thereafter, Rustam was released, welcomed back to court with favour, and saw his daughter married to Jahangir’s son, Parviz Mirza. He was promoted to a mansab rank of 6,000 and appointed subahdar of Allahabad.[69]
During the rebellion of Prince Khurram (future Shah Jahan) in 1622, Rustam was tasked with safeguarding the eastern territories of Allahabad against the rebel forces.[71] Following the capture of Jaunpur by Khurram’s troops, Rustam provided refuge to the city’s fugitive governor, Jahangir Quli Khan, and organized defenses to counter the advancing rebel army.[1] Khurram deployed Abdullah Khan to seize Allahabad, and the commander established a camp at Jhusi, across the Ganges River from the city. Rustam and his forces withdrew to the Allahabad fort in response. Abdullah Khan crossed the river using boats, launching a siege with artillery and muskets, and briefly entered the city. Despite assurances from Rumi Khan, head of Khurram’s artillery, that the fort’s capture was imminent, Abdullah Khan, displaying unexpected hesitation, withdrew back to Jhusi. Shortly thereafter, the approaching imperial forces relieved the siege.[69] Rustam was recalled from Allahabad after the end of the rebellion in 1626 and reassigned to govern Bihar.[71] He served as the final subahdar of Bihar under Jahangir. Rustam’s tenure ended either in 1627,[72] shortly after Jahangir’s death or in February 1628, when Shah Jahan (r. 1628–1658) replaced him with Mirza Bar Khurdar, also known as Khan-i-Alam.[73]
Later years and death
Due to advancing age and gout, Rustam Mirza withdrew from administrative duties and settled at the Mughal court in Agra, where Shah Jahan granted him an annual pension of one lakh and twenty thousand rupees.[69] In 1632, Shah Jahan’s son, Shah Shuja, married Rustam’s daughter, Belqis Banu Begum, an event commemorated by the chronogram: Mahd Belqis ba sar manzil Jamshed amad (The lady Bilqis—Queen of Sheba—came to the house of Jamshid).[69] According to Amal-i Salih by Muhammad Saleh Kamboh, the wedding adhered to traditional customs, including the application of henna, the distribution of brocaded robes, and trays adorned with flowers, betel leaves, sweets, and perfumes, all conducted with "utmost propriety".[74] Shah Nawaz Khan notes that another of Rustam’s daughters married Dara Shikoh.[74]
Rustam Mirza died in Agra in 1642 at the age of 72.[69] Following his death, when Agra’s mustasaddis (tax collectors) attempted to seize his possessions, his widow armed the household’s maidservants with muskets, disguising them as men, and declared that her family would not be treated like ordinary officials.[69] Upon learning of her defiance, Shah Jahan, impressed by her resolve, allowed Rustam’s family to retain all his belongings except his elephants.[75]
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Marriage and issue
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In 1581, at the age of sixteen, Rustam Mirza married a noblewoman from the prominent Shaykhavand tribe, with the support of his regent, Kur Hamza Beg. According to Kholasat al-tavarikh by Ahmad Monshi Ghomi, the wedding was a grand affair, attended by numerous prominent nobles and royal princes, with lavish celebrations extending over six months. Ghomi attests that following the wedding night, Rustam suffered a brief period of illness and temporary blindness, from which he subsequently recovered.[76]
According to Tuhfah al-kiram by Mir Ali Shir Qani Tattawi, Rustam had six sons—Murad, Shahrukh, Hasan, Ibrahim, Badi-uz-Zaman, and Mirza Masti—and four daughters. However, Shahnawaz Khan and Muhammad Saleh Kamboh state that upon entering Mughal service in 1593, Rustam had only four sons, excluding Badi-uz-Zaman and Mirza Masti. Jahangir’s records identify Sohrab Mirza as one of Rustam’s sons, noting his death by drowning in a Kashmir river, which aligns with Tattawi’s account of Mirza Masti’s death, suggesting they were the same individual. Thus, Badi-uz-Zaman and Sohrab/Mirza Masti were likely born in India after 1593.[77]
Having outlived his brothers—Abu Sa’id (d. 1596), Sanjar (d. 1597), and Mozaffar-Hosayn (d. 1600)—Rustam emerged as the undisputed head of the Bahrami-Safavid family within the Mughal Empire.[56] In this role, he took on the care of his brothers’ descendants, treating them as his own children. For instance, Jahangir’s records note that Rustam welcomed Mozaffar-Hosayn’s children into his household in Thatta, providing for them alongside his own offspring, despite the prior rivalry and tensions between the two brothers.[77]
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Legacy
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Historical assessment and anecdotes
The Ma'asir al-umara lauds Rustam Mirza Safavi as a sophisticated and worldly figure, while Abul Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari describes him as possessing greater intellect and ingenuity than his brother, Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza.[69] Asad Beg Qazvini, who spent time with Rustam during the celebrations marking Emperor Jahangir’s accession in 1605, portrayed him as a refined individual with a deep appreciation for music, noting his expertise in various instruments and his engaging discussions with musicians, such as Mahdi Ali Sultan, about their styles and characteristics; Rustam himself was a skilled player of the qanun.[78] Additionally, Rustam was a prominent patron of Persian poets, including Mahwi Ardabili and Monsef Samarqandi, who accompanied him to Burhanpur and, through his support, gained patronage from other notable figures.[79][80] Under the takhallus (pen name) Fadai, Rustam also composed poetry, including a humorous poem about his brother Mozaffar upon the latter’s arrival at the Mughal court.[69][k]
Asad Beg Qazvini further highlights Rustam Mirza Safavi’s equitable treatment of his subordinates, noting that many held their own jagirs.[82] A significant number of Rustam’s original retinue, who accompanied him from the Safavid Empire to the Mughal court, secured prominent positions within the Mughal administration. These included relatives of Suleiman Khalifa, the former governor of Mashhad, Aliqoli Sultan Asayesh-Oghlu, a commander at the Battle of Azghand, and Muhammad Zaman Sultan Shamlu, previously the castellan of Bost.[55] On the contrary, in 1622, Khalil Beg Dhulkadir, another member of his original entourage who had risen in Mughal service, was denounced by Rustam and executed alongside Mohtaram Khan Khaje Sara and Qadai Khan Mir Tuzak as conspirators in Prince Khurram’s rebellion, by the orders of Jahangir, who was very trusting of Rustam.[55][65] Jahangir’s deep trust in Rustam is evidenced by the consistent elevation of his mansab, which indicates his near-constant presence within the imperial entourage and his favoured status at court.[65][51]
Rustam Mirza distinguished himself as a skilled warlord, particularly adept in cavalry tactics.[55] He was also a pioneer in introducing wheellock firearms to the Indian subcontinent; a passage from a Jahangirnama manuscript held by the Royal Asiatic Society recounts Rustam’s fascination with a technologically advanced tufang (firearm) which he sought to acquire due to its remarkable features: the ability to fire 100 shots without overheating, a self-ignition mechanism, exceptional accuracy, and the capacity to handle a five-mithqal shot. Rustam offered 12,000 rupees and ten horses for the weapon, but the owner declined. Ultimately, Jahangir obtained the firearm and presented it to Rustam as a gift.[83]
As a ruler, Rustam Mirza was frequently characterized in contemporary chronicles as tyrannical[56], notably in Yousuf Mirak’s Tarikh Mazhar-i-Shahjahani, which provides firsthand accounts of his oppressive rule and the pervasive corruption within the land grant system during his tenure as subahdar of Thatta in Sindh.[84] In contrast, Emperor Akbar commended Rustam’s restraint in a letter, citing an incident during a hunt where, despite being wounded by a Rajput’s sword, Rustam resolved the dispute diplomatically by sending the aggressor to the court for judgment.[69]
Impact on Safavid-Mughal relations
Today, in the year 1616-17, Rustam Mirza, his sons, and the sons of Mozzafar-Hosayn Mirza, with several of their children, both male and female, are still in India, but at this point their history ceases to be relevant to the history of Iran.[85]
The Safavid chronicler Iskandar Beg Munshi, writing under Shah Abbas I, consistently downplayed Rustam Mirza Safavi’s significance, depicting him as a marginal figure in Safavid-Mughal relations and irrelevant to Iranian politics following his defeats in the 1590s.[86] In contrast, Emperor Akbar leveraged Rustam’s presence at the Mughal court to facilitate the acquisition of Qandahar in 1595. Akbar’s strategy included fostering a pro-Rustam uprising or encouraging Mozaffar-Hosayn Mirza’s voluntary surrender by showcasing generosity toward Rustam. Mughal records, as noted by historian Marc Morató-Aragonés Ibáñez, framed the intervention as a defense of the Bahrami-Safavid governance in Qandahar while also citing punitive actions against Baluchi raiders who allegedly attacked Thatta and retreated eastward.[86] Facing a precarious position, Abbas I pursued diplomacy, sending gifts and envoys to the Mughal court to negotiate Qandahar’s return. Akbar, while affirming amicable relations, justified retaining Qandahar by claiming to protect Rustam’s regional authority, refusing to relinquish the city.[87]
Post-annexation, Mughal chronicler Abu’l Fazl defended the intervention, asserting that Safavid princes, including Rustam, sought refuge with Akbar due to Abbas I’s failure to support them against Uzbek incursions.[86] Years later, Emperor Jahangir referenced a purported letter from “the princes,” in which Rustam allegedly expressed his inability to govern Qandahar and offered to cede it to a Mughal representative in exchange for the opportunity to pay homage, presenting the Bahrami-Safavids as the legitimate rulers who willingly transferred the region to Akbar.[86]
Rustam’s lingering support in Khorasan and Qandahar positioned him as a potential claimant to the Safavid throne, a status the Mughals exploited as a deterrent against Safavid ambitions. Notably, during the 1606 Safavid siege of Qandahar, Jahangir invoked Rustam’s claim to dissuade Abbas’s forces, who, in a subsequent letter, disavowed the siege as unauthorized.[88] Ibáñez suggests three occasions when the Mughals could have pursued an invasion of Iran to install Rustam: in 1595 during Qandahar’s acquisition, in 1612–1615 during Rustam’s governance of Thatta, and in 1622 amid the Mughal-Safavid conflict over Qandahar, ultimately won by the Safavids.[86] However, prioritising regional stability, the Mughals refrained from advancing Rustam’s claim, opting instead to maintain diplomatic equilibrium.[86]
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Notes
- Only Indian sources refer to Rustam and his family as 'Qandahari' (of Qandahar), this may have come from Rustam's attempts at presenting himself as the erstwhile ruler of Qandahar, even though he never held the title. William Finch, English merchant visiting the Mughal court in 1610, distinguishes Rustam Mirza from the other grandees by calling him "late [former] King of Candhar".[2]
- Ismail I, the founder of the Safavid dynasty, held the Shahnameh in high esteem, actively promoting its cultural significance. He named all his sons and many of his daughters after characters from the Shahnameh and encouraged a broader societal trend of adopting names from the epic. This practice marked a notable shift in Safavid naming conventions, influenced by the integration of Shiite culture and Turkish and Arabic linguistic elements.[5]
- This claim of sayyid descent, tracing back to the seventh imam, Musa al-Kazim, was propagated as early as the mid-15th century through fabricated genealogies.[10][11] During the reign of Tahmasp I, the hagiography Safvat as-safa, chronicling the life of Safavid progenitor Safi-ad-Din Ardabili, was revised to obscure the dynasty’s Kurdish origins and reinforce the sayyid claim.[12]
- Ismail may have been influenced by the 1574 royal purge of Murad III (r. 1574–1595), the Ottoman sultan, who executed all of his brothers to secure his throne.[17] Comparable instances of fratricide or marginalization of princely kin occurred elsewhere in the Turco-Persian world. In the Khanate of Bukhara, Khan Abdul-Mo'min's killing of numerous male relatives failed to stabilize his rule, leading to his assassination in 1598 and the collapse of the Shaybanid dynasty. Similarly, in the Mughal Empire, Akbar (r. 1556–1605) abolished the tradition of princely appanages by confining the sons of Mirza Muhammad Hakim, his nephews, to the court, thereby stripping them of political influence and preventing their inheritance of Kabul.[18][19] These late 16th-century developments reflect a broader trend toward centralisation in Turco-Persian empires, achieved by eliminating collateral cadet branches to consolidate imperial authority.[20]
- This decision was influenced by the Qandahar elite, who favoured the continued rule of Soltan Hosayn’s sons in the region over their relocation to the royal court in Qazvin.[23]
- The alliance between Rustam Mirza and Abdul Rahim Khan-i-Khanan was informed by a historical precedent referenced in their correspondence.[44] In 1544, when Mughal Emperor Humayun, displaced by the Afghan ruler Sher Shah Suri, sought refuge at the Safavid court of Shah Tahmasp I, he was accompanied by Bairam Khan, a prominent nobleman and the father of Khan-i-Khanan.[45] During this period, Bairam Khan formed a significant connection with Tahmasp’s sister, Mahinbanu Sultan, who, by Tahmasp’s decree, remained unmarried in anticipation of her destined union with the Hidden Imam, Mahdi.[45][46] This relationship, possibly romantic, is suggested in the Princely Lovers, a painting attributed to Mirza Ali, created between circa 1540 and 1555.[47] In their letters, Rustam and Khan-i-Khanan frequently cited this earlier bond as a providential omen, framing their own friendship and partnership as a continuation of a divinely ordained alliance.[44]
- The reception of Rustam Mirza can be compared to that of two Timurid rulers of Badakhshan. In 1575, Suleiman Mirza, a distant relative of Akbar and a Timurid ruler, was personally received by Akbar at the gates of Fatehpur Sikri, an exceptional gesture, when he sought the Mughal emperor’s protection. Similarly, in 1584, Mirza Shah Rukh, Suleiman’s grandson, fleeing Uzbek pressure in Badakhshan, was escorted to the Lahore court by Prince Daniyal Mirza and Sheikh Ebrahim Chishti, highlighting the ceremonial importance of such receptions.[48]
- Akbar employed a similar strategy in two comparable cases to manage displaced rulers. Yousuf Shah Chak of the Kashmir Sultanate, ousted by the Mughal invasion of 1586, was granted the minor subahdary of Bihar with a modest sowar of 300. Similarly, Mirza Jani Beg Tarkhan of Thatta, whose political legitimacy was questioned by Mughal authorities, was elevated to a high status at Akbar’s court with a mansab rank of 5,000 and a marriage alliance to a Mughal general’s daughter, but was reassigned to the Deccan.[51]
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