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2024 South Korean martial law crisis
Brief enactment of military rule From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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The 2024 South Korean martial law crisis was a political crisis in South Korea caused by a declaration of martial law by President Yoon Suk Yeol. The incident is often referred to as the "12.3 incident" in South Korea.
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On 3 December 2024, at 22:27 Korea Standard Time (KST), Yoon Suk Yeol, the then-president of South Korea, declared martial law during a televised address. In his declaration, Yoon accused the Democratic Party (DPK), which has a majority in the National Assembly, of conducting "anti-state activities" and collaborating with "North Korean communists" to destroy the country, thereby creating a "legislative dictatorship". The order prohibited political activities, including gatherings of the National Assembly and local legislatures, and suspended the free press. Separately, Yoon reportedly ordered the arrest of various political opponents, including the leaders of the DPK and his own People Power Party. The event was widely characterized by news organizations, both international and domestic, and Korean politicians as an attempted self-coup.
The declaration was opposed by both parties and resulted in protests. At 01:02 on 4 December, 190 legislators who had arrived at the National Assembly Proceeding Hall unanimously passed a motion to lift martial law,[3] despite attempts by the Republic of Korea Army Special Warfare Command to prevent the vote. At 04:30, Yoon and his cabinet lifted martial law and soon disbanded the Martial Law Command. The opposition subsequently began impeachment proceedings against Yoon and said it would continue to do so if he did not resign. Uproar over the declaration has led to the resignation of several officials in Yoon's administration, including Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, who urged Yoon to enact martial law during a last-minute cabinet meeting shortly before the declaration and was second-in-command of the martial law order. Yoon, as well as other officials of his administration, and military officers were investigated for their role in the implementation of the decree.
On 7 December, Yoon issued an apology for declaring martial law and said that he would not do it again. On 8 December, the former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun was arrested and sent to a detention facility for his role in the martial law order, where he would later attempt suicide shortly before a warrant could be filed against him.[4] On 12 December, Yoon stated that he would "fight to the end" and that the martial law declaration was an "act of governance" to protect against anti-state forces. It is more widely believed that the declaration was motivated by political issues with the DPK-controlled Assembly over repeated impeachment attempts against officials, opposition to his budget, and various scandals involving him and his wife Kim Keon-hee.[5]
Yoon was impeached on 14 December by the National Assembly and suspended from office pending a final ruling by the Constitutional Court on whether to confirm his removal from the presidency. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo served as acting president until he was also impeached on 27 December, making Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok acting president. However, Han's impeachment was overturned by the Constitutional Court on 24 March 2025, reinstating him as acting president.
Yoon was arrested on 15 January 2025. On 26 January, he was indicted for leading an insurrection, becoming the first sitting president to be arrested and indicted in South Korean history. On 4 April, the Constitutional Court unanimously upheld Yoon's impeachment and removal from office over the martial law declaration.
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Background
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South Korea has been governed as a presidential democracy under the 1987 constitution, which provides for a strong executive independent of the legislature. Yoon Suk Yeol, a member of the conservative People Power Party (PPP) and former prosecutor general, took office as President of South Korea following his victory in the 2022 election.[6]
Yoon has been criticized for far-right political views.[7][8] His administration had low approval ratings, reaching as low as 17%, with 58% of the population in a November 2024 survey supporting either Yoon's resignation or impeachment.[9] Yoon had struggled to achieve his agenda due to opposition from the National Assembly, controlled by the opposition Democratic Party (DPK) since 2020. In the April 2024 legislative election, the opposition retained its majority but still lacked the two-thirds majority (200 out of 300) required under the constitution to impeach the president.[10]
Yoon boycotted the opening of the National Assembly, even though it is customary for the president to deliver a speech at the event.[11] Yoon has also opposed investigations into scandals involving his wife Kim Keon-hee and top officials,[12] vetoing three separate bills that called for a special counsel investigation into his wife, the third occurring on 26 November 2024.[13] On 2 December 2024, the opposition-controlled parliament moved to impeach Board of Audit and Inspection Chair Choe Jae-hae and three prosecutors involved in two scandals surrounding Kim[14] and rejected the government's 2025 budget proposal.[15]
Early planning of martial law
During prosecution questioning, former Defense Counterintelligence Command (DCC) commander Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung testified that President Yoon first mentioned "taking emergency action" to address "difficult social issues" in late December 2023, which Yeo interpreted as referring to the failed martial law. At the end of March 2024, President Yoon invited the then-Defense Minister Shin Won-sik, National Intelligence Service Director Cho Tae-yong, and Presidential Security Service Director Kim Yong-hyun for dinner and reportedly expressed his intention to "declare martial law soon." At the dinner, Minister Shin and Director Cho expressed their opposition. Minister Shin, concerned about the implementation of martial law, called Director Kim and the then DCC commander Yeo in private right after the dinner to discuss blocking of any such moves.[16] Yeo added that Yoon started mentioning martial law more often following the PPP's defeat in the April 2024 legislative election.[17] Eventually, Shin was shuffled out of the role of Defense Minister to become Director of the Office of National Security, while Kim Yong-hyun was selected to replace Shin in September 2024.
The 27 December 2024 unsealed indictment of Kim Yong-hyun revealed that President Yoon met with former Minister Kim, Commander Yeo, and others about 10 times since March 2024 to discuss the imposition of martial law.[18]
Warnings of a plot to declare martial law
In October 2021, years before the declaration of martial law, Yoon made complimentary remarks about the former authoritarian military dictator of South Korea, Chun Doo-hwan. The remarks came during a meeting with People Power Party officials in Busan, during which Yoon said that "many people still consider Chun as having done well in politics, except the military coup and the Gwangju Uprising", later adding that he believed even people in Honam, the geographic area including Gwangju, felt the same way.[19]
After Yoon was elected president, when asked about the possibility of pressure and protests by opposition parties and citizens, Kim Yong-hyun responded with; "Why worry about it? Just declare martial law and sweep it all away."[20] Yoon also began appointing his fellow Chungam High School alumni as high-ranking figures in his administration and the military, a group referred to as the Chungam Faction. Throughout his political career, several of Defense Minister Kim's former high school alumni claimed that his favorite book to read was Adolf Hitler's autobiographical manifesto Mein Kampf.[21] DPK Rep. Choo Mi-ae would ultimately confirm this to be true during a televised interview, which added to many people's suspicion that Kim, having risen to such a powerful position within both the military and the government, may have been driven by darker instincts rather than a sense of duty to national security.[22]
In September 2024, three months before the martial law declaration, some DPK politicians began suggesting that Yoon was preparing martial law. Party leader Lee Jae Myung alluded to "speculation about martial law preparations" in his remark, saying that Yoon appointing Kim Yong-hyun as Defense Minister was a part of a martial law strategy to prevent Kim Keon-hee from going to prison.[23] Kim Min-seok, member of the party's Supreme Council, stated "I have well-founded reasons to believe that the conservative Yoon administration is drawing up a contingency plan to declare martial law".[24][25] The Presidential Office dismissed this claim as "groundless".[26] People Power Party floor leader Choo Kyung-ho also denied the possibility of martial law, saying "Such theories ... are no more than scare tactics and propaganda based purely on imagination".[23]
Kim Min-seok justified his prediction of a martial law declaration by Yoon, by adding, he was "one of the people who obtained information and reported that the government was preparing to invoke martial law during the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye" in 2016, despite denials by the Park government at the time. A document was produced in secret by the Defense Security Command (now the DCC) in February 2017 that considered invoking martial law in anticipation of continued street protests if Park Geun-hye was not removed by the Constitutional Court. The 67-page document titled "Wartime Martial Law and Joint Action Plan",[27] contained specific plans including mobilizing tanks to suppress candlelight protests in Gwanghwamun in the event that the impeachment of Park was dismissed, and arresting and detaining lawmakers to prevent the National Assembly from reaching the quorum required to lift martial law if lawmakers attempted to do so (similar to the martial law plans of 2024).[28]
Several South Korean Defense Ministers have had major roles in either martial law or self-coups in the past, with the most notable examples being Song Yo-chan; who declared martial law and demanded the resignation of President Syngman Rhee, and Chung Ho-yong; who had complicity in the Gwangju Uprising. During his confirmation hearing for Minister of National Defense at the National Assembly on 2 September 2024, Kim Yong-hyun was asked by members of the opposition as to whether he would declare martial law or recommend Yoon to do so. He dismissed this, saying "I think talk about martial law is out of date; if it is declared, who would accept it? Do you think the military would even follow the order?" Kim was also questioned on his close personal ties with Yoon, as the two have known each other since high school. Kim took office as Minister of National Defense on 6 September. Over the following three months, he allegedly planned military rule under martial law.[29]
Following the botched martial law implementation, Kim Min-seok cited the Yoon administration's usage of the term "anti-state forces", and the existence of the Chungam Faction as indications of Yoon's ulterior motive for martial law. He added that Yoon's government "is so bad at governance that they have no way of preventing their replacement other than martial law, terrorism, and mobilizing the legal system against their opponents".[30]
Documents obtained by Choo Mi-ae showed that the DCC had prepared documents and other related material on declaring martial law following orders from its commander, Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung, in November 2024.[31] Police investigators also found that Defense Intelligence Command chief Major General Moon Sang-ho, his predecessor, Roh Sang-won and former military police commander of the 3rd Field Army Command Kim Yong-gun also met at a Lotteria fast food restaurant in Ansan on 1 December to discuss preparations for the declaration.[32]
The Chungam Faction whom Yoon and Kim appointed to high ranking positions and cited as having a role in the martial law declaration were:[30][33][34]
- Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung, commander of the Defense Counterintelligence Command
- Lieutenant General Kwak Jong-keun, Chief of the Army Special Warfare Command
- Major General Park Jong-seon, commander of the Defense Security Agency (known as 777th Intelligence Command) of the Defense Intelligence Agency
- Lieutenant General Lee Jin-woo, Commander of the Capital Defense Command
- Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min
- Colonel Park Sung-ha, Director of the Planning and Management Office of the Counterintelligence Command
- Superintendent General Hwang Se-young, Chief of the 101st Security Brigade
Yoon and Kim met each other while attending Chungam High School. Kim allegedly met Yeo In-hyung during an alumni association.[35] Since the other members of the faction graduated years apart from both Yoon and Kim, they did not know them personally. It is speculated that Yoon met them sometime during his tenure as a prosecutor general.[36]
The Chungam Faction has been compared to the Hanahoe faction of former dictator Chun Doo-hwan and his successor Roh Tae-woo.[37]
Attempts to provoke North Korean crisis to justify martial law
In May 2024, North Korea began sending balloons loaded with trash into South Korea in response to balloons launched into the north by South Korean organization Fighters for a Free North Korea.[38] In October, North Korea accused the South Korean military of flying propaganda leaflet-scattering drones over Pyongyang, which the South Korean military said they were unable to confirm.[39] Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun offered 3 million won in encouragement money to the military psychological warfare unit for flying the drones under the name of "contribution to military readiness."[40]
In December, citing a source from within the military, Park Beom-kye, a member of the National Defense Committee of the National Assembly, claimed Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun orchestrated the drone incident to stoke tension with the North,[41][42][unreliable source?] and that the DCC took a hands-on role in the incident.[43][full citation needed][44] Lee Ki-heon of the Intelligence Committee said he had confirmed a report that Kim Yong-hyun instructed Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Kim Myung-soo to "fire warning shots and then strike the origin of sewage balloons flying from the North", though a spokesperson for the Joint Chiefs of Staff denied this.[45] Lee said Yoon and Defense Minister Kim were trying to provoke a "local war" in order to justify martial law.[46] Admiral Kim refused the order and was verbally abused by Defense Minister Kim. Lee suspected this led Defense Minister Kim to select Army Chief of Staff Park An-su for martial law commander instead, as Admiral Kim would have been the default choice.[45]
On 1 December, two days before martial law was declared, colonel-level commanders were called to be on guard for an imminent provocation by North Korea, with DCC Commander Yeo In-hyung giving orders to prepare for a "serious North Korean filth balloon situation".[47]
During police investigations into the martial law declaration, a memo was recovered from a notebook owned by former Army Maj. Gen. Roh Sang-won, former chief of the Defense Intelligence Command, in his residence in Ansan. The memo reportedly contained details of a plot to provoke North Korea by generating an incident along the Northern Limit Line.[48] On 14 February 2025, the Hankyoreh reported that the notebook included, in addition to the North Korean plans, plans for detaining about 500 public figures and abolishing term limits to allow Yoon to potentially serve 3 terms.[49]
On July 21, 2025, Maj. Gen. Kim Yong-dae, head of the Drone Operations Command was suspended from duty over suspicions that military drones were illegally dispatched to North Korea as part of preparations for Yoon's imposition of martial law.[50]
Martial law powers and past occurrences
Martial law was a recurring tool used by military leaders to suppress dissent and consolidate power in South Korea's authoritarian, dictatorial past until the end of the Fifth Republic of Korea with the June Democratic Struggle of 1987, when South Korea transitioned to democracy under the Sixth Republic.
This was the first time martial law had been declared in South Korea since the 1980 military coup d'état after the assassination of dictator Park Chung Hee, and the restoration of civil liberties in 1987.[51] This was the 17th since the foundation of the republic in 1948.[4]
According to the Martial Law Act, the declaration of martial law or alteration in its nature by the President shall undergo deliberation by the State Council. The Minister of National Defense or the Minister of the Interior and Safety may suggest the declaration of martial law to the President through the Prime Minister.[52]
Under Article 77 of the constitution, the president must immediately notify the National Assembly when declaring martial law. This enables special measures to be taken, including reducing the need for arrest warrants and restricting freedom of speech, the press, assembly, and association. The National Assembly can force the president to lift martial law by a simple majority vote.[53][54] The president has no authority to suspend the Assembly by any means, and "during the enforcement of martial law, no member of the Assembly shall be arrested or detained unless he/she is caught in the act of committing a crime".[52]
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Events
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Events on 3 December before the martial law declaration
On the morning of 3 December, former Army Maj. Gen. Roh Sang-won, former chief of the Defense Intelligence Command met with Defense Minister Kim at his official residence, for a meeting lasting 20 to 30 minutes. In the afternoon, Minister Kim instructed Army Chief of Staff, Gen. Park An-su, and five other military officials to report to his office at 21:30.[55]
At 17:00 KST, units of the Republic of Korea Army Special Warfare Command, including the 707th Special Mission Group, 1st Special Forces Brigade, and the 13th Special Mission Brigade received orders to prepare for operations at an isolated area. The 707th SMG received a message to prepare for the conduct of a real-world operation by helicopter, and deployment on orders of Defense Minister Kim. They were told "The situation related to North Korea is serious", though an anonymous official reported there had been no movements by the North Korean military.[56][57]
At 18:20, Korean National Police Commissioner Cho Ji-ho reportedly received an order from the Presidential Office to "be on standby". At a subsequent committee inquiry by the National Assembly, Cho claimed he did not know the martial law plan until its announcement.[58] However, subsequent investigations revealed that Cho, and Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency Commissioner General Kim Bong-sik met with Minister Kim and President Yoon at 19:00, and the two police officials were given a list of about 10 people to be arrested along with plans to occupy the National Assembly and National Election Commission via a martial law declaration at 22:00.[55]
At 21:50, broadcasting networks received a message saying, "There will be an emergency government announcement, please connect to the live broadcast". However, journalists covering the Presidential Office were barred from entering the briefing room, where such broadcasts are normally made.[59]
Just before declaring martial law, Yoon reportedly told his cabinet members; "Even my wife doesn't know about this. Otherwise, she'd be furious."[60]
Declaration of martial law
At 22:23 on 3 December, Yoon Suk Yeol began making his emergency address to the nation, and at 22:27, declared martial law. He accused the opposition of being an "anti-state... den of criminals"[61] and "trying to overthrow the free democracy" by impeaching members of his cabinet and blocking his budget plans. He asked citizens to believe in him and tolerate "some inconveniences",[62][63] and also claimed that there was a North Korean conspiracy against the South Korean government.[64]
Prime Minister Han Duck-soo was allegedly sidelined in the decision-making process leading up to the martial law declaration, and discussions were kept private between Yoon and Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun.[65][66] Kim urged Yoon to enact martial law during a cabinet meeting[67][68] shortly before the official declaration that ran from 22:17 to 22:22,[69] in which a majority of the 19 cabinet members were "strongly against" the decision.[70] Yoon also reportedly ordered finance minister Choi Sang-mok to draft a budget for an emergency legislative body which was to have been created during the martial law declaration.[71] and ordered interior minister Lee Sang-min to cut off electricity and water supplies to left-leaning media outlets critical of Yoon, specifically the Hankyoreh, the Kyunghyang Shinmun, MBC and JTBC, as well as the opinion polling agency Flower Research.[72]
At 22:30, Minister Kim addressed a video conference giving orders to all military commanders above the corps commander level and threatened officers with punishment for insubordination if they did not follow the orders.[55] Yoon appointed Chief of Staff of the Republic of Korea Army Park An-su as his martial law commander.[73]
A defense ministry report obtained by DPK representative Bak Seung-a stated that around 1,580 troops, 107 military vehicles, 12 Black Hawk helicopters and more than 9,000 rounds of live ammunition were deployed for the implementation of martial law.[74] MBC also reported that the military brought 4,980 blank ammunition rounds and 100 cartridges for stun guns throughout its mobilization for martial law, while 5,000 live ammunition rounds and some 3,000 blanks were deployed at the National Assembly alone.[75]
On 26 May 2025, Choi Sang-mok, Han Duck-soo and Lee Sang-min were summoned for questioning by police.[76] A day later, media reported that both Choi Sang-mok and Han Duck-soo were slapped with a travel ban by police, as further investigations and analysis of CCTV footage found inconsistencies between the footage and prior statements made by the three former officials over their involvement in the martial law declaration.[77]
CCTV footage obtained from the Presidential Office showed Prime Minister Han receiving and reviewing martial law documents just before Yoon declaring martial law in the reception room on the second floor of the President's office, thus showing that Han has given false testimony to the contrary of his claim that he had no foreknowledge.[78]
Following the beginning of the special counsel investigation appointed in June 2025 by new president Lee Jae Myung, it was reported on 1 July by the Hankyoreh that after Yoon declared martial law, his deputy chief of staff Kang Eui-gu belatedly drafted a new martial law declaration to be signed by the prime minister and defense minister. Reportedly, Yoon and his advisers had realized the illegality of the martial law declaration and attempted to correct that retroactively, pursuant to Article 82 of the Constitution, which states that “The acts of the President under law shall be executed in writing, and such documents shall be countersigned by the Prime Minister and the members of the State Council concerned.” Yoon had already failed to abide to this by failing to prepare written versions of his martial law declaration or notification to the National Assembly. Kang called Prime Minister Han with the plan of retroactively drafting a martial law declaration, with the signatures of Han, Yoon and Defense Minister Kim. Han signed this second document that retroactively formalised the martial law decree. However, Han later asked for it to be destroyed because a retroactive document could provoke more controversy if it became known.[79]
Kang Eui-gu was also believed to have forged minutes of Cabinet meeting to make it look like it lasted for 40 minutes, instead of the actual 5 minutes that took place.[80]
Election Commission raids
After martial law was declared, armed troops raided the National Election Commission (NEC) headquarters in Gwacheon, Gyeonggi Province (10 troops), one of its training centers in Suwon, Gyeonggi Province (130 troops) and the National Election Survey Deliberation Commission in Gwanak District in southern Seoul (47 troops).[81] NEC officials allegedly had their phones confiscated.[82]
Several operatives from the Intelligence Protection Group of the DCC[83][full citation needed] with firearms and uniforms that were missing unit insignias and patches[84] raided the server room located on the second floor of the NEC headquarters[85][86] while the Special Warfare Command troops[87] and National Police officers from Gyeonggi Nambu Provincial Police Agency provided perimeter security at the building. Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung, head of the DCC and another member of the Chungam faction who was criticized for admiring Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, was behind the raid.[88] Commander Yeo made a call to KNP Commissioner Cho Ji-ho about the NEC headquarters raid and Cho started supplying police forces for the troops.[89]
Kim Yong-hyun stated he deployed troops to determine the need for an investigation into the NEC's alleged "election fraud" in the April 2024 National Assembly election, which was echoed by far-right YouTubers.[90] However, these allegations by right-wing conspiracy theorists have been repeatedly debunked by authorities.[91] Rep. Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party, mentioned that President Yoon repeatedly talked about election fraud while Lee was meeting him in his capacity as the leader of Yoon's PPP party, accusing Yoon of "being crazy" about conspiracy theories, and alleged that Yoon was surrounded by individuals who believed in conspiracy theories.[91][92]
DCC martial law troops assigned to raid the NEC training center in Suwon questioned their deployment orders, and delayed their arrival by slowing their pace or pulling off at rest stops.[93] On 9 December, Rep. Lee released a report stating that a DCC brigadier general assaulted a major for questioning deployment orders and forced him on a bus to seize the NEC servers. Rep. Lee also highlighted that some troops wasted time after arriving at the NEC, by eating ramyeon at a nearby convenience store, after judging their deployment orders to be illegal.[94] Later the brigadier general was identified as Kim Dae-woo, a close associate of DCC Commander Yeo.[95][96][97]
On 12 December, Yoon alleged, in a national address, that the NEC's network system was vulnerable to cyberattacks and hacking, resulting in election fraud. The president accused the NEC of invoking constitutional immunity as an excuse to avoid inspection of its internal system in 2023 and claimed that the National Intelligence Service had discovered a North Korean hacking attack on the system.[98] The NEC released a statement calling Yoon's allegation "baseless" and said Yoon's "raising suspicions of electoral fraud due to strong doubts amounts to self-denial of the electoral management system through which he was elected president".[92][99] The NEC statement added that election fraud would require organized action from NEC aides, a breakdown of the security management system, and switching out identical amounts of actual voting papers, and called it "almost impossible".[98] On 13 December, NEC Chairman Rho Tae-ak said in a National Assembly hearing that sending martial-law troops to take over the NEC was inexcusably illegal and unconstitutional.[100] On 19 December, the NIS also confirmed, in a report to the National Assembly, that there was no evidence of election rigging.[101]
The unsealed indictment of former Minister Kim on 27 December revealed, Commander of the Intelligence Command, Moon Sang-ho and his predecessor Roh Sang-won intended for 30 troops to detain NEC staff and tie them up with ropes and put masks on their faces, to be sent to the Water Defense Command Bunker due to election fraud. Evidence was found of awls, ropes, hammers, cable ties and baseball bats belonging to the arrest team to be used when carrying out the arrests.[18]
Plans for mass detention of political and public figures
At 22:28, Defense Minister Kim instructed DCC Commander Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung to go ahead with the arrest of politicians on a target list.[55]
According to testimony by National Intelligence Service (NIS) Deputy Director Hong Jang-won to the National Assembly on 6 December, Yoon called him at 22:53 on 3 December and ordered him to help the DCC arrest his political opponents and that Yoon wanted to "use this chance to arrest them and wipe them out".[102][103][104][full citation needed][105][full citation needed]
Hong testified that DCC Commander Lieutenant General Yeo In-hyung later gave him a list of individuals targeted for arrest which Hong could not recall completely:[103]
- Democratic Party leader Lee Jae Myung
- National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik
- People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon
- Democratic Party Rep. Kim Min-seok
- Democratic Party floor leader Park Chan-dae
- National Assembly Legislation and Judiciary Committee Chair Jung Chung-rae
- Rebuilding Korea Party leader Cho Kuk
- Liberal journalist Kim Ou-joon
- Former Supreme Court Chief Justice Kim Myeong-su
- Kim Min-woong, brother of Rep. Kim Min-seok and leader of the Candlelight Movement
- Former National Election Commission (NEC) Chairman Kwon Soon-il
Hong also mentioned that there were others on the list, including another NEC member whose name he could not recall and the head of a major labor union, either the Federation of Korean Trade Unions or the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions.
Han Dong-hoon, the leader of Yoon's own People Power Party, confirmed that he was on the list of targets and that Yoon had planned to jail arrested politicians in a detention center in Gwacheon, south of Seoul.[106] Upon receiving Yeo's instructions, Hong said he thought the president had lost his mind. He refused to comply, citing the NIS's lack of resources and means to carry out such an order. Yeo reportedly outlined plans to arrest first and second-tier targets in phases, detain them at DCC facilities, and conduct investigations.[103] It was later reported that a bunker designated as an operations center for potential North Korean attacks and a military police compound, both operated by the Capital Defense Command in Seoul's Gwanak District, were also considered as detention sites.[107]
Yoon then fired Hong. The report alleged Hong was given the orders because NIS Director Cho Tae-yong had previously refused to act on Yoon's arrest list.[108]
Troops were seen deployed in front of a building where Kim Ou-joon, the YouTuber and liberal journalist on the list of targets, created his videos.[109] Kim, who went into hiding, said that soldiers were also deployed at his residence and posted footage showing about 20 armed soldiers standing outside his office in central Seoul.[110][111]
On 9 December, Police Commissioner Cho testified before the Judiciary Committee of the National Assembly that he had received a call from DCC Commander Yeo sometime between 22:30 and 22:40 on 3 December, asking him to track the locations of politicians and others to carry out their arrests. The list of targets was consistent with what NIS Deputy Director Hong had revealed the previous week, except PPP leader Han Dong-hoon was added to the list later. Commissioner Cho stated that he ignored the orders, on grounds that location tracking itself was illegal and that court-issued arrest warrants were required to carry out arrests.[112]
On 13 December, a lawyer representing Commissioner Cho said that Yoon had also ordered the arrest of Seoul Central District Court Judge Kim Dong-hyun, who had acquitted Lee Jae Myung of perjury charges in November 2024.[113]
On 14 February 2025, the Hankyoreh revealed that former Defense Intelligence Command leader Roh Sang-won's personal notebook contained specific action plans to arrest "500-or-so people", but were not carried out on the night of 3 December. Other figures and alleged "leftist" judges and celebrities were included, while the notebook highlighted how the individuals would be "collected" and sent to detention centers. In addition to the names above as instructed by DCC commander Yeo, the following individuals were listed in the notebook for arrests:[49][4]
- Former President Moon Jae-in
- Reform Party leader Lee Jun-seok
- DPK legislators Seo Young-kyo, Ko Min-jung, Youn Kun-young
- Former Justice Ministers and current DPK legislators Choo Mi-ae and Park Beom-kye (who both clashed with Yoon when he was prosecutor general)
- Former Chiefs of Staff to the President under President Moon, Noh Young-min and Im Jong-seok
- Judge Yoo Chang-hun, who rejected prosecutors' request to arrest Lee Jae Myung in September 2023
- Comedian Kim Je-dong
- Former football star Cha Bum-kun - for pleading leniency for Cho Kuk
- Political commentator Rhyu Si-min
- Former Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan
- Colonel Park Jung-hun, former Marine Corps investigator who defied orders to cover-up a death of a marine corporal in flood rescue operations in July 2023.
Orders for media blackout and cutting water and power to media outlets
National Fire Agency Commissioner Heo Seok-Gon testified before the National Assembly on 13 January 2025 that he received a phone call from Interior Minister Lee Sang-min to cooperate with the National Police Agency to cut off power and water to the offices of liberal-leaning media outlets and critics of Yoon's government, The Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun papers, and MBC TV station.[114][115] Heo confirmed that ultimately, no action was taken.[116]
When prosecutors indicted Yoon for insurrection in February 2025, charges revealed that in addition to the three targets, Yoon ordered power and water to be cut for broadcaster JTBC and the pollster Flower Research. The indictment detailed Yoon directing the interior minister Lee at 10:30 p.m. on December 3 to halt power and water services to five organizations in order to instigate a “media blackout”. Lee called National Police Agency Commissioner General Cho at 11:34 pm on the evening martial law was declared to check on the actions taken by the police, before calling National Fire Agency Commissioner Heo at 11.37 pm to inform him that the police would be deployed to the organizations around midnight and to cooperate with the National Police Agency to shut off power and water. Heo passed along the orders to Deputy Commissioner Lee Yeong-pal, who then called Hwang Gi-seok, the head of the Seoul Metropolitan Fire and Disaster Headquarters, and asked him several times to cooperate with any requests from the National Police Agency in connection with the martial law proclamation. Heo himself reportedly called Hwang at 11:50 pm to check whether the National Police Agency had asked for help.[117]
Decree
At 23:25, on 3 December, Martial Law Commander Army General Park An-su issued the following decree which retroactively took effect at 23:00:[118][119][120]
Martial Law Command proclaims the following as of 23:00 on 3 December 2024, in order to protect liberal democracy from anti-state forces active within the free Republic of Korea and their threats to subvert the state, and to ensure public safety.
- All political activities, including activities of the National Assembly, local councils, political parties, and political association, rallies and demonstrations, are prohibited.
- All acts that deny or attempt to overthrow the free democratic system are prohibited. The dissemination of fake news, manipulation of public opinion, and false propaganda are prohibited.
- All media and publications are subject to the control of Martial Law Command.
- Strikes, work stoppages, and rallies that incite social chaos are prohibited.
- Trainee doctors and all other medical personnel, who are on strike or have left their worksites, must return to their positions within 48 hours and work faithfully. Those who violate the order will face punishment in accordance with the Martial Law Act.
- Innocent ordinary citizens, excluding anti-state forces and other subversive forces, will be subject to measures to minimize inconvenience in their daily lives.
Violators of the proclamation may be arrested, detained and searched without a warrant in accordance with Article 9 of the Martial Law Act (Special Measures Authority of the Martial Law Commander), and will be punished in accordance with Article 14 of the Martial Law Act (Penalties).
— Martial Law Commander, Army General Park An-su
Yoon's martial law decree went further than those of previous military dictators by suspending the National Assembly. However, Yoon's decree stopped short of ordering curfews or the closure of universities.[121]
The unsealed indictment of Defense Minister Kim on 27 December revealed that he had begun drafting the martial law decree on 24 November, by using reference to the martial law documents drafted under the leadership of the Defense Security Command during the Park Geun-hye impeachment in March 2017 and past martial law proclamations. President Yoon ordered a nighttime curfew reference to be dropped from the decree.[18]
Immediate impact
The announcement of martial law was met by surprise and panic amongst the South Korean public.[122] Following the declaration, the government said that activities in educational institutions and transport services would continue to operate normally.[123][124] Panic-buying occurred in convenience stores nationwide.[125] Demand for Telegram and VPNs increased after disruptions to internet portal Naver prompted fears of government censorship, although Naver and Kakao attributed this to an increase in user traffic. The Ministry of Science and ICT said it had not received any requests related to martial law.[126]
Following the announcement, the Korean won fell to 1,444 against the US dollar, its weakest level in 25 months. It later rose to around 1,420, still weaker than the previous day's rate of 1,403.[127][128] The iShares MSCI South Korea ETF decreased by 5%. Franklin FTSE South Korea ETF declined by 4.4% and Matthews Korea Active ETF fell 4.5%.[129] A central bank official said it was preparing measures to stabilize the market if needed. Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok convened an emergency meeting among top economic officials.[15]
Immediate reaction of politicians
National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik announced he would convene a plenary session immediately to revoke the martial law order and called for all lawmakers to gather at the National Assembly.[10]
All main parties, including the ruling People Power Party, opposed Yoon's martial law declaration. PPP leader Han Dong-hoon said: "The president's martial law declaration is wrong. We will stop it along with the people".[131] Seoul mayor Oh Se-hoon, a member of the PPP, also opposed the declaration.[132] PPP floor leader Choo Kyung-ho said he only found out about the decree from the news.[133] Controversially, Choo made an announcement to PPP legislators to report at party headquarters for a meeting instead of the National Assembly to vote down the martial law contrary to Han Dong-hoon and his faction,[134] which led to allegations that he was colluding with Yoon's martial law plot. The special counsel bill passed by the National Assembly a week later to investigate key figures of the martial law declaration included Choo as a subject for investigation.[135]
Lee Jae Myung, the leader of the DPK, urged citizens to gather at the National Assembly and declared that Yoon "is no longer the president of South Korea". Lee began live streaming on his YouTube channel around 22:50 as he traveled to the Assembly, telling 70,000 live viewers "There's no justification for declaring martial law. We cannot let the military rule the country".[130] The Incheon branch of the DPK criticized the declaration as the beginning of an "era of Yoon dictatorship". Rebuilding Korea Party leader Cho Kuk called the declaration of martial law "illegal" and said it met conditions for the impeachment of Yoon and Defense Minister Kim.[136] Lee Jun-seok, leader of the Reform Party, called for Yoon to be expelled from the PPP, while Gyeonggi Province governor Kim Dong-yeon called for Yoon's arrest.[137] The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, the largest trade union group in the country, called for a general strike to reverse the declaration of martial law and impeach the president.[138]
Former President Moon Jae-in addressed the military as a former commander-in-chief in a Facebook post, urging them to respect the will of the people, not to act against the National Assembly, and to adhere strictly to constitutional principles. He called on the military to focus on its legitimate duties, safeguarding national security without compromising democratic institutions.[139][140]
A handful of conservative figures did support the decree, such as former prime minister Hwang Kyo-ahn, who called for the arrest of both Woo Won-shik and Han Dong-hoon. The mayor of Daegu, Hong Joon-pyo, did not explicitly take sides, but said he understood "Yoon's loyalty" while describing his actions as reckless and "making a scene".[141]
National Assembly vote
Military helicopters approaching the National Assembly carrying troops
National Assembly staff and aides barricade the main assembly entrance with furniture against approaching troops
Martial law forces clashing with National Assembly staff at the main entrance of the National Assembly
Civilians blocking military vehicles from entering Yeouido
Military helicopter flying over the National Assembly
Speaker Woo Won-shik announcing the National Assembly voted 190–0 to end martial law
National Assembly vote summary of lifting martial law
Yes
Not present
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From 22:48, martial law forces initially requested permission from the Capital Defense Command several times to allow helicopters to fly over restricted airspace to seize the National Assembly. However, approval was repeatedly rejected on the grounds that the purpose of the flights was unknown. Permission for the helicopter flights was only approved at 23:31. Twenty-four helicopter flights carried 240 troops to the National Assembly, until 01:18 the next morning.[55]
The Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency blocked all entrances to the National Assembly by 23:04 and prevented lawmakers from reaching the plenary session to overturn the martial law declaration.[57] Lawmakers instead maneuvered around police barricades to enter the Assembly, with some assistance from civilians. At around 23:00, Lee Jae Myung live streamed himself climbing over a 1.5 m (4 ft 11 in) fence to gain access,[130][142][143][144] and Speaker Woo also had to climb a fence to enter the Assembly premises.[145] Lee Jun-seok, leader of the Reform Party, was seen confronting police officers for obstructing lawmakers,[146] but recounted later that some police officers appeared not to know what to do.[147]
At 23:50, UH-60P Black Hawk[148] military helicopters were seen approaching the grounds, prompting lawmakers and aides to build furniture barricades inside.[57] Around 23:57, the 707th SMG appeared in front of the National Assembly Proceeding Hall, attempting to enter the building, leading to scuffles with aides and legislative staff who tried to prevent their entry. DPK spokeswoman Ahn Gwi-ryeong was seen trying to seize a rifle from a soldier before the soldier pointed it at her briefly, prompting her to berate the soldier saying "Aren't you ashamed?" as the soldier walked away.[149] The video of the incident was captured on a livestream by OhmyNews and viewed millions of times on Twitter.[150] She later told BBC Korean Service that "I didn't think... I just knew we had to stop this".[151]
At 00:45,[57] around 300[68] military personnel entered the National Assembly building, broke windows and attempted to enter the main hall, where Speaker Woo was about to begin the plenary session to revoke the martial law decree. In response, staff sprayed them with fire extinguishers and successfully stopped their entry. Some soldiers attempted to enter through the fourth floor, but were stopped by employees.[152]
Soldiers broke the windows of several MPs' offices, while injuries occurred during confrontations inside the building.[153] Ultimately, the soldiers were unable to access the main session hall, whose entrances were barricaded using furniture installed by staff.[151][154] At least three helicopters also landed on the Assembly grounds while two others were seen hovering above.[10] Armored military vehicles were seen on the streets,[155] while the martial law command also ordered the eviction of the Presidential Office press corps from its building in Seoul.[156]
The National Assembly commenced the emergency session at 00:48 on 4 December.[157] At 01:02,[158][159] with 190 of 300 lawmakers present, they voted unanimously to lift martial law.[64] Those who voted included 172 opposition MPs and 18 members of a PPP[3] faction supporting Han Dong-hoon.[160] Following the vote, Speaker Woo Won-shik called for the military and police to leave the Assembly as "declaration of extraordinary martial law is now void" while reiterating that the president did not notify the National Assembly on implementing martial law as prescribed in the Constitution. Lee Jae Myung said that the DPK would remain in the Assembly until the president lifted martial law. Lee called for police and soldiers to return to their positions and not abide with Yoon's "illegal act".[161][162] They were also joined by members of the PPP.[157] The plenary session was only adjourned at 05:54 upon confirmation from the State Council that martial law had been withdrawn.
The Korea Times and opposition parties identified units of the security forces involved in the incursion at the Assembly as the 1st Airborne Special Forces Brigade of the Army Special Warfare Command and the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency, with the National Police Agency believed to have been bypassed by the declaration.[65] The National Police Agency declared a Level B Emergency.[163] The Kyunghyang Shinmun published images of soldiers next to boxes of what appeared to be live bullets and ammunition at the Assembly.[164] Protests against martial law were also organized in Gwangju, where memories of the 1980 Gwangju Uprising and subsequent crackdown remain fresh.[165]
On 5 December, an anonymous special forces soldier told the media that the soldiers sent to the National Assembly only learned of the martial law declaration from the news.[166] Other soldiers have said they were kept in the dark to varying degrees; most were not even told their destination until en route, and only given a specific mission after arrival. One said he felt betrayed by his superiors. Many were reluctant and deliberately slow in carrying out orders.[167]
On 6 December, Lieutenant General Kwak Jong-keun, Chief of the Army Special Warfare Command, revealed during an interview by DPK legislators Kim Byung-joo and Park Sun-won, that the defense minister gave orders for troops to drag out the legislators, corroborating the earlier reports. Kwak said he prohibited giving live ammunition to individual soldiers as he witnessed "unjustified scenes" during the deployment, and added that "based on my judgment, dragging lawmakers out was clearly an illegal act" and he defied the orders, ordering the troops not to enter the plenary hall.[168] In addition, Brigadier General Lee Sang-hyun, commander of the 1st Special Forces Brigade confirmed that they were deployed to the National Assembly, with deployment of two battalions, consisting of about 250 soldiers in total. He confirmed that orders were given to remove the lawmakers using means such as breaking down doors or cutting electricity, while confirming that Kwak gave orders not to give live ammunition.[169] On a subsequent inquiry by the National Assembly on 10 December with a huge delegation of military officers summoned for questioning by legislators, Kwak revealed that the president personally called him to demand "break[ing] open the door, and drag the lawmakers out" and further added that he was made aware of plans for martial law on 1 December, two days before the announcement. Kwak suggested that prosecutors in charge of investigating Yoon's martial law declaration were framing their questions in a way that held former Defense Minister Kim accountable, and shift the blame away from President Yoon.[170]
Subsequent investigations revealed that President Yoon ordered Commander Kwak Jong-keun, and Capital Defense Commander Lee Jin-woo to break through the plenary chamber doors to drag the lawmakers out at 00:40 to 00:50 hours, which was too late as the lawmakers had begun the session to end martial law at that time.[55] Yoon also called Police Commissioner General Cho Ji-ho several times and instructed him to arrest all the lawmakers trying to enter the National Assembly, stating "Bring them in. It's illegal. All the lawmakers are violating the proclamation. Arrest them." In the indictment of Kim Yong-hyun on 27 December by the special prosecution team, it also revealed Yoon told Commander Lee; "Break down the doors, even if it means shooting." When he was notified the lawmakers had begun the session to end martial law, Yoon ordered Special Warfare Commander Kwak to "break down the door with an axe and go in and get them all out." Former Minister Kim also ordered; "Stop the number of National Assembly members so that it is less than 150. Bring the National Assembly members out." Minister Kim also prioritized the arrests and detention of Lee Jae Myung, Woo Won-shik, and Han Dong-hoon from the National Assembly. Upon finding out about the National Assembly vote being passed, Yoon denied it was legitimate at first, and told Commander Lee, "It's not even confirmed that 190 people came in. Even if martial law was lifted, I just have to declare martial law two or three more times, so keep going."[18]
The group messenger chat-room of the counter-intelligence arrest team made public by the prosecution, contained the following message: "Cancel all existing detention quotas. All teams should first arrest Woo Won-sik, Lee Jae Myung, and Han Dong-hoon, whichever team you see, and then move them to the Subangsa detention facility." There was also a message saying, "Secure new recruits through the operational unit on site, then take them over and detain them at the Subangsa. Use ropes and handcuffs."[18]
Confrontations took place at the complex's main gate between security forces and civilians.[171] Crowds gathered as soon as martial law was declared, chanting slogans such as "lift martial law", "take down the dictatorship", "no violence" and "impeach Yoon".[57]
CCTV footage released in February 2025 showed that in addition to troops smashing windows on the second floor of the National Assembly's main building on the night of martial law, few troops were caught on camera opening a switchboard on the basement floor at 01:06 (five minutes after the National Assembly voted to rescind martial law), turning off both the main power and the backup power for a portion of the building. Half of the first basement floor of the building went dark, with a blackout lasting for 5 minutes and 48 seconds. The seven soldiers who cut off the power belonged to the 707th Special Mission Group, the same elite 16-person unit that entered the National Assembly's main chamber.[172]
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Aftermath
Summarize
Perspective
After the vote, soldiers began withdrawing,[10] with the Speaker's office later saying that they had left altogether by 01:18.[173][174] Others began pushing back the crowd of protesters who gathered there,[175] which numbered around 2,000.[152] Several soldiers were seen bowing in apology to the public over the incursion, while others consoled civilians who had engaged in confrontations.[176] Protesters also began calling for Yoon's arrest and impeachment.[175][177] Lee Jae Myung said the declaration of martial law was done without cabinet approval[178] and that members of the security forces who continued to follow Yoon's martial law orders were committing "an illegal act".[179] The Defense Ministry stated that martial law would remain in effect until ended by the president.[180][181]
Yoon would later hold a meeting inside the Joint Chiefs of Staff's command and control room with Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, Martial Law Commander Park An-su, 2nd Deputy Director of the National Security Office In Sung-hwan, Defense Secretary Choi Byung-ok, and Military Advisor to the Ministry of National Defense Kim Chul-jin. Yoon would ask Kim Yong-hyun the amount of troops he deployed to the National Assembly, to which he would respond with "about 500." Yoon, irritated with Kim's response, would say; "I told you it’s not enough. You should have sent 1,000. What are we going to do now?" While searching for another method, Yoon looked for a copy of South Korea's National Assembly Act. Yoon ultimately decided to lift the martial law following this meeting, despite there being no discussion about lifting martial law at that meeting.[182]
After martial law was lifted, the president's office told foreign media 38 hours after refusing all interviews with South Korean media that "emergency martial law was strictly enforced within the framework of the constitution and took place late at night to minimize damage to the national economy and citizens' daily lives".[183] DPK leader Park Chan-dae then told CNN that Yoon "cannot avoid the charge of treason" and that he "must step down immediately."[184]
To prevent future disruptions, on 3 July 2025, the National Assembly voted to amend the country's guidelines on martial law by barring security forces from obstructing the work of MPs and entering the National Assembly Building without approval from the Speaker.[185]
Lifting of martial law
During a televised briefing at 04:27, Yoon announced that he would lift martial law as soon as a quorum could be obtained for a cabinet meeting, and that he had withdrawn military personnel from the National Assembly.[186] At approximately 04:30, the cabinet approved the motion to lift martial law.[187] The Martial Law Command was also disbanded.[188][189] The military said it had not observed unusual activity in North Korea while martial law was in place.[190]
Following the lifting of martial law, the DPK held an emergency meeting at the Assembly, announcing that they would commence impeachment proceedings if Yoon did not step down. In a resolution, it said "Yoon's declaration of martial law is a clear violation of the Constitution", adding that it was "a serious act of rebellion and a perfect reason for impeachment".[191] Protests continued to be held in the Assembly and in Gwanghwamun Square,[192] as well as outside the Presidential Residence.[193] Candlelight rallies and related activities were held in cities across South Korea.[194] Smaller rallies were also held in support of Yoon.[195]
Protests against Yoon Suk Yeol
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Inspector General of the Ministry of Justice Ryu Hyuk resigned in protest shortly after attending a meeting convened on martial law by Justice Minister Park Sung-jae.[198][199] Shortly after Yoon backed down and lifted martial law, the opposition began to consider his impeachment.[200][201] Some South Korean analysts described the episode as a self-coup attempt to seize power.[54] In the early hours of 4 December, dozens of Yoon's aides resigned en masse following the martial law declaration and recantation.[202] That same day, the Supreme Court announced it would investigate whether the declaration was illegal, given that he had failed to abide by mandatory provisions such as notifying both the cabinet and the legislature beforehand.[203] On 6 December, the Constitutional Court also opened an investigation into the legality of Yoon's martial law declaration.[204]
The leadership of the PPP discussed expelling Yoon from the party during a meeting.[205] Han Dong-hoon urged Yoon to immediately fire Defense Minister Kim for proposing the idea[206] and later said he asked Yoon to leave the PPP through the prime minister and presidential officials.[207] The DPK also confirmed they would initiate impeachment proceedings against Yoon, along with Kim and Interior Minister Lee Sang-min on 5 December if Yoon did not resign.[208] Kim later apologized and took responsibility for the soldiers' actions. He also offered his resignation,[209] which was accepted by Yoon.[210] In a separate interview, Kim said that the deployment of soldiers to the National Election Commission was aimed at assessing the "necessity of an investigation into alleged election fraud".[211] In response, the commission denounced the incursion as a violation of the Constitution and pledged to take legal action.[212] At noon on 4 December, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo held a meeting with Yoon's remaining cabinet members, and party leaders to discuss the fallout of the martial law declaration.[213] He subsequently apologized and took full responsibility for what had happened.[214]
Later on 4 December, all of the major newspapers in South Korea and the National Union of Media Workers unanimously condemned Yoon and called for his arrest, saying the martial law was illegal and an attempted repeat of the brutal coups of the 1980s.[215] At the same time, multiple South Korean celebrities also heavily condemned Yoon.[216] The Catholic Bishops' Conference of Korea, the Korean Methodist Church, the National Council of Churches in Korea, and the Korean Church Human Rights Center criticized the declaration of martial law,[217] while the national association of Won Buddhist clerics called for Yoon's impeachment.[218] A joint declaration was signed by 370 professors and researchers at Korea University calling for Yoon's impeachment.[219] The emergency medical professors of Seoul National University and Seoul National University Hospital also criticized martial law and its attempt to halt the ongoing doctors' strike and supported Yoon's impeachment.[220] Especially, the term 'cheodan' (처단) in Article 5 of the decree on martial law has sparked strong reactions from both medical professionals and the general public in Korea.[221][222] Although it was translated as 'punishment' in this document, its real-world usage aligns more closely with 'execution', fueling significant controversy.[223] The chair of the Chungam High School Foundation called Yoon and Kim Yong-hyun "shameful graduates".[224] The school also suspended its uniform policy for students amid concerns over harassment, adding that some of its school bus drivers had been harassed by passersby and that it had received hundreds of protest calls.[225] Its student council also issued a statement supporting Yoon's impeachment.[226] Five MPs of the PPP from Han Dong-hoon's faction expressed support for amending the constitution to shorten Yoon's term from 2027 to 2026.[227] Some PPP legislators also called for amendments shifting power from the president to the prime minister and allowing for power-sharing between parties under a coalition government.[228]
On 5 December, Kim Min-seok, who had previously warned of a possible declaration of martial law in August, said that he was "100 percent certain" that Yoon would try and declare martial law again, attributing Yoon's motivations as to protect himself and his wife from ongoing investigations. He also attributed the failure of the 3 December declaration to popular resistance and the incompetence of Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun.[229] The Center for Military Human Rights Korea also warned of such a possibility, citing the Army restricting leave for some officers and implementing stringent regulations effective until 8 December, which coincided with the period that proposals to impeach Yoon are being discussed in the National Assembly.[230] On 6 December, the Defense Ministry and the Joint Chiefs of Staff denied the allegations and said that they would not comply with a second declaration of martial law,[231] while the DPK said all 170 of its lawmakers will remain on emergency standby within the National Assembly premises to vote down future declarations of martial law.[232] The National Assembly Secretariat barred officials from the Defense Ministry, police and the NIS from entering its buildings "for the time being".[233]
On the afternoon of 6 December, rumors that Yoon would visit the Assembly for a meeting with the PPP prompted opposition lawmakers and staff to gather at the building's main rotunda to block his entry, while additional entry restrictions were imposed on other visitors and the complex's day care center was advised to send children home early. The Presidential Office later said that Yoon had no plans to visit the legislature.[234]
On 3 January 2025, the city government of Gwangju raised the state flag of Virginia, which contains the inscription Sic semper tyrannis, in front of the city hall, with mayor Kang Ki-jung denouncing Yoon for abuse of power. The mayor claimed to have received it from the state's governor alongside a letter of appreciation.[235]
Impeachment, arrest, and indictment
Korean Wikisource has original text related to this article:
In the Judiciary of South Korea, matters of constitutional importance, such as impeachment trials, fall under the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Court. The National Assembly takes role of plaintiff in an impeachment trial. However, other ordinary matters, such as criminal trial, fall under the jurisdiction of ordinary courts, represented by the Supreme Court. In criminal processes, the Prosecution service takes the role of prosecutor, while the Police and the CIO take charge in original investigations of the crime.
Impeachment by National Assembly
On 4 December, 190[b] legislators across six opposition parties submitted a motion for impeachment, intending to discuss the bill the following day;[237] the DPK later planned a vote on 7 December.[238] At a meeting with Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and PPP party leader Han Dong-hoon, Yoon stated that he would not resign and said there was "no wrongdoing" in his declaration, adding that he had done so as a "warning" to the opposition and to prevent the DPK's "reckless impeachment actions". Yoon also defended plans to arrest Han Dong-hoon for going to the National Assembly.[239][240] On 5 December, the PPP announced they would oppose impeachment, following an emergency meeting the previous evening.[241] However, at an emergency meeting on 6 December, Han Dong-hoon said it was necessary to "promptly suspend [Yoon] from his duties to protect the Republic of Korea", citing that Yoon ordered the arrest and detention of key politicians during martial law, including Han himself.[236][106] That same day, Cho Kyoung-tae voiced his support for Yoon's impeachment, becoming the first MP from the PPP to do so.[106]
During an investigation by the National Assembly on 5 December, Army Chief Park An-su said he had been handed the text of the martial law notice only on the night of its declaration and was unaware of soldiers being deployed to the Assembly. Deputy Defense Minister Kim Seon-ho said he had only learned about the declaration on the news and that Kim Yong-hyun ordered soldiers to enter the Assembly and prevent lawmakers from gathering. He also apologized for failing to prevent the troop deployment, saying that he opposed it. Separately, the National Police Agency announced that Yoon was under investigation for insurrection following a complaint from the opposition.[242][195] Park also submitted his resignation to Yoon, which was rejected.[243] On 6 December, Special Forces Commander Kwak Jong-guen said he had ordered soldiers present at the Assembly on 3 December not to enter the session hall and ruled out the provision of live ammunition and harm against civilians. He also said that he would not follow such orders in the event of martial law being declared again.[106] Later that day, the Defense Ministry suspended Kwak, Yeo In-hyung and Capital Defense Command Commander Lee Jin-woo for their involvement in martial law.[244] They, along with Park An-su, were also subjected to a ban on overseas travel.[245] Hong Jang-won, the deputy director of the NIS, also said that he was ordered by Yoon to arrest politicians during martial law during a series of phone calls. However this was denied by Director Cho Tae-yong, who said the NIS had no such powers.[246] The National Archives of Korea issued notices to the Presidential Office, the Defense Ministry and other relevant agencies for the preservation of documents, video footage and other records relating to the declaration of martial law amid concerns over their discarding.[247] The Presidential Office later said it did not possess the detailed minutes of the cabinet meeting that preceded the declaration.[248]
On 7 December, Yoon apologized for declaring martial law, describing it as a product of desperation as the head of state and pledging that there would not be a second martial law declaration.[249] He also pledged to entrust measures related to his term in office to the PPP.[250] Lee Jae Myung called the apology "disappointing" and insisted on Yoon's resignation or impeachment.[251] He also criticized Yoon's power-sharing arrangement with the PPP as "destroying the constitutional order",[252] while DPK Floor Leader Park Chan-dae called the arrangement a "second coup".[253] Later that day, the impeachment vote failed after only 195 lawmakers present of the 200 needed to impeach attended following a boycott by all but three MPs from the PPP.[254][255] The decision led to massive public anger against the PPP, with a petition filed at the National Assembly website calling for the PPP's dissolution obtaining more than 171,000 supporters,[256] exceeding the 50,000 needed to have the proposal submitted to the standing committee.[257]
Following the vote, Han Dong-hoon said that the PPP would continue to "push for the president's orderly retreat to minimize chaos", and said Yoon would be "effectively stripped of his duties until he retreats" while Prime Minister Han Duck-soo managed state affairs "in consultation with the party";[258] a party special task force proposed that Yoon leave office in February or March 2025 and elections to replace him held in April or May.[259] The DPK said that it would continue to file impeachment motions against Yoon on a weekly basis in response.[260] That same day, the DPK filed an impeachment motion against Interior Minister Lee Sang-min for mishandling the martial law situation.[261] Facing mounting pressure, Lee resigned on 8 December.[262]
On 8 December, Han Dong-hoon said that the PPP had "effectively obtained [Yoon's] promise to step down" in exchange for the party blocking his impeachment, and said Yoon would "not interfere in state affairs, including foreign affairs", even before his "orderly early resignation".[263]
On 12 December, Yoon issued a statement vowing to "fight to the end", resisting the push for his resignation[264] and claiming the martial law declaration was a legitimate "act of governance" against "forces and criminal groups that have been responsible for paralysing the country's government".[265] Yoon accused the opposition of disrupting the constitution instead through obstructionism, arguing "The opposition parties are currently dancing a frenzied sword dance, saying that the declaration of emergency martial law was a crime of insurrection, but is that really so? Who are the forces currently paralyzing the government and disrupting the constitution of Korea?", while further claiming that the opposition majority National Assembly had taken North Korea's side in disputes, and that it was "a monster that destroys the constitutional order of liberal democracy".[266]
Following Yoon's statement, Han Dong-hoon called for Yoon's impeachment and convened an ethics committee to discuss Yoon's expulsion from the PPP.[267] Later that day, the DPK filed its second motion to impeach Yoon,[268] and the National Assembly passed impeachment motions against Justice Minister Park Sung-jae and KNP Commissioner Cho Ji-ho.[269] By the end of the same day, seven PPP lawmakers,[270] four PPP metropolitan and provincial executives, Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, South Chungcheong Province Governor Kim Tae-heum, North Chungcheong Province Governor Kim Young-hwan, and Incheon Mayor Yoo Jeong-bok, publicly declared their support for Yoon's impeachment.[271]
On 14 December, the National Assembly voted to impeach Yoon, with 204 lawmakers, including 12 from the PPP, supporting impeachment.[272] Yoon's presidential powers were suspended immediately upon the delivery of the impeachment resolution to the Presidential Office. Prime Minister Han Duck-soo stepped in as acting president,[273] and the impeachment motion proceeded to the Constitutional Court.[274][275]
On 27 December, 192 MPs in the National Assembly voted to impeach Han Duck-soo for blocking investigations against Yoon and his wife, colluding with Yoon on martial law and blocking the appointment of justices to fill vacancies in the Constitutional Court.[276][277][278] Despite being boycotted by the PPP, Han's impeachment was made possible with a simple majority because Han was Prime Minister rather than the elected president, as announced by National Assembly speaker Woo Won-shik.[276][279] This made Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok the new acting president.[276][279] On 21 March 2025, the DPK and four other opposition parties submitted a motion in the National Assembly to impeach Choi, citing charges that included abetting Yoon's martial law declaration.[280]
On 24 March 2025, the Constitutional Court overturned Han's impeachment, reinstating him as acting president.[160] On 1 May, Choi resigned minutes before the National Assembly was set to vote on his impeachment, prompting the suspension of the proceedings.[281]
Initial legal investigations
The DPK sought then Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun's impeachment for proposing martial law to Yoon, and intended to file a criminal complaint against him. The party's chief spokesperson, Jo Seoung-lae, issued a statement saying "The DPK will punish the unconstitutional and illegal emergency martial law of the Yoon administration [...] We urge law enforcement agencies to immediately launch an investigation into the treason case that the entire nation is now aware of and bring the perpetrators to justice".[29] On 5 December, the police investigated Yoon and other key officials for alleged insurrection[282] in response to a case filed by minor opposition parties and 59 activists accusing them of treason.[283] Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun resigned the same day and issued an apology.[284] "First, as defense minister, I feel deeply responsible and sorry for causing concern and confusion in regard to the martial law," he said. "All members of the armed forces involved in the implementation of the emergency martial law only did their duty at my direction. I take full responsibility for it." The DPK planned to appoint a permanent special counsel to investigate Yoon for treason[285] and considered filing charges against PPP Floor Leader Cho Kyung-ho, who urged PPP lawmakers to assemble at the party's headquarters rather than the Assembly.[286]
On 8 December, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun was arrested on suspicion of committing insurrection by advising Yoon to declare martial law and sending troops into the National Assembly to seize the legislature.[287][288] The Ministry of Justice barred Kim from leaving the country following rumors that he booked a flight to flee overseas to avoid prosecution.[289][290] He could potentially be sentenced to life in prison, or the death penalty if found guilty.[291]
On 9 December, the Ministry of Justice issued an overseas travel ban against Yoon following an investigation into allegations of rebellion linked to his brief imposition of martial law, marking the first instance of a sitting president facing such restrictions.[291][292] That same day, Lee Jae Myung issued a statement exonerating lower-ranking soldiers who participated in the martial law exercises and expressed gratitude for their restraint, saying that they had been "exploited" by their commanders.[293] An overseas travel ban was placed on KNP Commissioner Cho Ji-ho, Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency Chief Kim Bong-sik and Mok Hyun-tae, head of the National Assembly Police Guards, as part of the martial law investigation.[294][245]
On 10 December, the National Assembly passed a bill creating a permanent special counsel to investigate Yoon on charges of treason related to his martial law declaration. The motion passed with 210 MPs, including 23 PPP members, in favor after the party allowed its members to vote according to their individual decision.[295] That same day, Army Maj. Gen. Moon Sang-ho, chief of the Defense Intelligence Command, was suspended over his role in the incursion into the National Election Commission's office in Gwacheon.[296]
On 11 December, KNP Commissioner Cho Ji-ho and Seoul Metropolitan Police Chief Kim Bong-sik were arrested without a warrant on charges of insurrection.[297] On 12 December, Park An-su was suspended as Army Chief of Staff.[298]
On 12 December, in a plenary session, the National Assembly passed a bill calling for a special counsel probe into the insurrection charges against Yoon.[299] On the same day, a special police investigation team and the Defense Ministry's investigation unit jointly raided the Defense Ministry and the Capital Defense Command, securing a "secret phone" of Kim Yong-hyun and the phone's server data.[300]
On 13 December, a court formally issued arrest warrants for KNP Commissioner Cho and Seoul Metropolitan Police Chief Kim, citing concerns over evidence tampering.[301] That same day, Capital Defense Command head Lee Jin-woo was also arrested.[302]
On 14 December, prosecutors arrested DCC chief, Lt Gen. Yeo In-hyung.[303]
On 16 December, police arrested Defense Intelligence Command chief Maj. Gen. Moon Sang-ho over his role in the NEC raid. His predecessor, Roh Sang-won was also arrested on suspicion of helping Yoon draft his martial law plans in a civilian capacity.[304] That same day, a military court ordered the arrests of Lt. Gen. Kwak Jong-geun, former chief of the Special Warfare Command and Lt. Gen. Lee Jin-woo, former head of the Capital Defense Command.[305]
On 17 December, Park An-su was arrested following a warrant.[306]
On 26 December, the defense ministry suspended Brig. Gen. Koo Sam-hoe, commander of the Army's 2nd Armored Brigade, and Brig. Gen. Bang Jeong-hwan, head of the ministry's operational control transition task force, for their role in the planning of martial law and Koo's attempts to mobilize a tank unit.[307]
On 27 December, the National Assembly voted 191–71 to create a special committee to investigate insurrection charges against Yoon, with a tenure lasting until 13 February 2025. The committee was formally opened on 31 December and was composed of 18 lawmakers, including 10 opposition and seven PPP lawmakers and one independent lawmaker. It was chaired by DPK MP Ahn Gyu-back, with Kim Sung-won as committee secretary for the PPP. Among the agencies to be called for questioning were the presidential office, the Office of National Security, the Presidential Security Service, the Prime Minister's Office, the Supreme Prosecutors Office, the defense, interior and justice ministries, the National Police Agency, the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Counterintelligence Command.[308][309]
On 15 January 2025, former colonel Kim Yong-gun was arrested for allegedly plotting the martial law declaration with former Defense Minister Kim and former intelligence commander Roh Sang-won. He was indicted on abuse of power and obstruction of justice charges the same day.[310]
On 5 February, the National Assembly planned an on-site questioning session at the Seoul Dongbu Detention Center, aimed to directly question key figures involved in the martial law declaration, but it was cancelled after Kim Yong-hyun refused to cooperate. Despite his witness chair already being set up, Kim declined to appear at the session, insisting that he could not attend it due to "trial preparation." Kim had previously refused to attend any parliamentary hearings held by the special committee. Democratic party member Ahn Gyu-back apologized to the committee for Kim's behavior, and added that the committee would file a complaint against Kim for contempt of the Assembly at next week's plenary session. Democratic Party representative Han Byung-do would also voice his annoyance, stating; "Refusing to cooperate with the investigation is an outright rejection of the truth. If he is so confident and honorable, why can’t he stand in front of the public?" Later that afternoon, lawmakers visited the Seoul Detention Center to hold another questioning session with President Yoon and Roh Sang-won, however the session was also cancelled when Yoon also declined to cooperate.[311]
On 6 February, the defense ministry placed Yeo In-hyung, Lee Jin-woo, Kwak Jong-keun, and Moon Sang-ho on compulsory leave of absence following an ongoing criminal investigation against them over martial law.[312]
On 17 February, a criminal investigation into first lady Kim Keon-hee was called for alleged involvement in the martial law declaration to cover up election interference.[60]
On 21 February, Kim Yong-hyun applied for a suspension of execution in protest of the prosecution's sending of his prosecution's investigation records to the Constitutional Court, but it was rejected.[313][unreliable source?]
On 28 May 2025, former Commander of the Defense Intelligence Command Roh Sang-won was indicted on bribery charges, which revealed that he, along with former Defense Minister Kim, were accepting bribes and valuables back in August 2024 from active-duty soldiers under the pretext of requesting promotions.[314]
Arrest warrant and political standoff
Yoon Suk Yeol was summoned three times by the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO) for questioning on 18 December, 25 December, and 29 December over his declaration of martial law. He ignored all three summonses.[315] In response, on 30 December, the CIO filed an arrest warrant for Yoon at the Seoul Western District Court.[316] On 31 December, the court issued the warrant,[317] valid until 6 January 2025.[318] After the impeachment, Yoon sequestered himself in the presidential residence.[319] On 1 January, he released a statement to his supporters pledging to "fight alongside you to the very end to protect this nation".[320] On 3 January, authorities tried to serve the warrant at the presidential residence but halted the attempt after being physically blocked by the Presidential Security Service.[321][322] After the warrant expired on 6 January, the Seoul Western District Court extended the warrant the next day.[323]
Police raids
On 10 December, police raided the Presidential Office, with investigators presenting a search warrant that specified Yoon as the suspect.[324][325] However, the Presidential Security Service refused to cooperate, resulting in a "very limited" number of documents and materials being submitted by Yoon's office.[326] Raids were also conducted on the Defense Counterintelligence Command, the Army Special Warfare Command,[327] the National Police Agency, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency, and the National Assembly Security Service.[328]
On 12 December, police raided the Joint Chiefs of Staff headquarters adjacent to the presidential compound,[329] as well as the Capital Defense Command headquarters.[330] On 13 December, police raided the Gyeonggi Nambu Provincial Police headquarters to investigate the unit's role during martial law. Gyeonggi Nambu Provincial Police had dispatched police forces to the NEC after the martial law declaration.[331]
On 17 December, a joint investigation team launched a raid on the offices of the Presidential Security Service.[332] The head of the Presidential Security Service, Park Jong-jun, resigned on 10 January 2025. He was then summoned to the National Investigation Headquarters of the National Police Agency for questioning on charges of obstruction of official duties by preventing the arrest of Yoon.[333] Police raided a presidential safehouse in Samcheong-dong believed to have hosted preparatory meetings for martial law and unsuccessfully tried to enter the Presidential Security Service.[334]
Suicide attempt of Kim Yong-hyun
On 10 December, at 23:52 KST, the former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun attempted to commit suicide using his clothing to try and hang himself in the bathroom of the detention facility he was held in while in custody.[335][336] Shin Yong-hae, the head of the Ministry of Justice's Correctional Service, stated at a National Assembly plenary session; "A control room worker discovered Kim Yong-hyun attempting suicide by using string connecting his underwear and underwear pants in the bathroom of the waiting area before a warrant against him was to be issued." Shin also stated; "He gave up and came out when we immediately went in and opened the door. He is currently being housed in a protection facility and I have received reports that he is in good health."[337]
Kim was indicted on insurrection charges two weeks later on 27 December.[18]
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Trial of Yoon Suk Yeol
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Impeachment trial
On 14 January 2025, South Korea's constitutional court held the first hearing to determine if Yoon will be formally removed from office. The hearing was adjourned as it could not proceed without Yoon's presence.[338]
On the morning of 15 January, Yoon was arrested at his residence where he had been since the impeachment. Police used wire-cutters and ladders to enter Yoon's residence in order to bypass barricades and barbed wire fortifications. After his arrest Yoon was brought to the CIO, where he agreed to an interrogation.[339][340] Yoon was the country's first sitting president to be arrested.[340][341][342]
On 18 January, supporters of Yoon clashed with police outside the Seoul Western District Court before storming the courthouse after his detention was extended.[343]
On 21 January, Yoon attended the impeachment trial for the first time, during which he denied ordering soldiers to interfere with the proceedings of the National Assembly against the martial law declaration.[344]
On 23 January, the CIO recommended that Yoon be charged with "leading an insurrection and abuse of power".[345] On the same day, Yoon appeared at the impeachment trial again, with former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun present as a witness.[346] Kim denied allegations that Yoon had ordered the military to storm the National Assembly to prevent lawmakers from convening and passing a resolution nullifying martial law.[347] However, he admitted to recommending declaring martial law to Yoon and to writing a note to Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok, instructing the establishment of an emergency legislative body during martial law.[348] Alongside Yoon, Kim was also accused of ordering lawmakers to be dragged out of the parliament, to which Kim responded with; "The situation was very chaotic, I thought someone might get crushed to death. So I said to pull them out for now to reduce the risk of serious harm. That’s what I meant."[349]
Yoon was indicted on the insurrection charges on 26 January.[350] His case was assigned by the Seoul Central District Court to its criminal collegiate division 25, which also handles martial law-related criminal charges against Kim Yong-hyun, Cho Ji-ho, and Kim Bong-sik.[351]
On 4 February, Yoon's defense team requested the court to cancel his arrest.[352]
Seoul Central District Court (ordinary criminal court) held its first preparatory hearing on Yoon's case on 20 February, which lasted only 13 minutes. There was heavy security around the court building, following the Seoul Western District Court riot.
In the afternoon of the same day, during the Constitutional Court's hearing Yoon's lawyer, Kim Hong-il, condemned the arrest against Yoon, stating the declaration of martial law was "not intended to paralyse the state" and it had meant to "alert the public to the national crisis caused by the legislative dictatorship of the dominant opposition party." The court's acting chief justice, Moon Hyung-bae, said the next court hearing would be held on 25 February, and another would be held on 24 March.[353]
Han Duck-soo also had a court hearing the same day. "I am deeply burdened by the despair that each and every one of our people felt due to such extreme politics that took place before, during and after emergency martial law," Han would state in court. "All procedures dealing with the emergency martial law must be carried out fairly and reasonably so that there is no further spark of the national division."[353]
On 20 February, Yoon's criminal trial began, making him the first incumbent president of South Korea to stand trial in a criminal case.[354]
On 25 February, Yoon issued an apology on the last day of the impeachment trial,[355] but continued to defend his actions.[356] The trial concluded with a total of 11 hearings held over 73 days and 16 people testifying as witnesses.[357]
Also in same day, Lee Kwang-beom, one of the lawyers for parliament, compared Yoon to previous South Korean presidents including Park Chung Hee and Chun Doo-hwan. Lee claimed Yoon's declaration of martial law was "dictatorship." Yoon stated that he never meant to impose full martial rule, instead arguing he intended to "warn the nation of the opposition Democratic Party's abuse of its parliamentary majority." He also denied having acted out of personal interest, saying it would have been "easier to just wait out the rest of his term."[358]
On 3 March, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun would call Yoon's arrest "illegal and unconstitutional" in a letter he wrote in his prison cell. In the letter, he would also call for Constitutional Court justices Moon Hyung-bae, Lee Mison and Chung Kyesun to be "punished." Kim also criticized students at Ewha Womans University that were in favor of Yoon's impeachment, calling them "a group of evil." Democratic Party Speaker Hwang Jung-a would criticize the letter, stating "[Kim] is nothing different from Yoon, who regards anyone who criticizes him as an anti-government force and someone to be eliminated."[359]
During a court hearing on 17 March, former Defense Minister Kim claimed his reasoning for urging Yoon to declare martial law was because he wanted to "root out anti-state forces and overcome political deadlock". Kim would also deny that the martial law declaration was an attempted self-coup.[360]
Release from arrest
Yoon was released from the Seoul Detention Center on 8 March after the prosecutor-general chose not to appeal court orders canceling his detention. The DPK subsequently chided the prosecution as "one of Yoon's henchmen."[361] The party then requested the resignation of Prosecutor General Shim Woo-jung for waiving the right to appeal the district court's decision to a higher court, calling the decision an "unacceptable display of leniency." However, the request was later rejected.[362]
Criticism about court's decision
Judge Jee Kui-Youn(지귀연)'s decision[which?] is being criticised[by whom?] as being unlawful. This has led to a barrage of criticism against Judge Jee.[363]
Impeachment verdict
English Wikisource has original text related to this article:
On 4 April, the Constitutional Court convened to announce its impeachment verdict. In a televised verdict read by acting Chief Justice Moon Hyung-bae, the judges unanimously decided in a 8–0 decision to remove Yoon from office, citing his betrayal of the public trust and serious violations of the law which failed to protect the Constitution. The Court removed Yoon from office on the basis of the following violations during martial law on 3–4 December:[364][365]
- The substantive requirements for the declaration of emergency martial law had not been met:
Political gridlock or suspicions of election fraud due to the National Assembly's exercise of its authority claimed by Yoon should have been resolved through political, institutional and judicial means, not by mobilizing military forces. Yoon's claim that the declaration was intended as a "warning" or an "appeal to the public" about the tyranny of the opposition party and a national crisis. However, such objectives are not legitimate grounds for declaring martial law as stipulated in the Martial Law Act.
- Procedural requirements set forth in the Constitution and the Martial Law Act for declaring emergency martial law were violated:
Yoon did not explain the specific details of the martial law to the martial law commander or other members, nor did he give the other members of the Cabinet the opportunity to state their opinions, thus there was no deliberation regarding the declaration of martial law. Yoon declared martial law without obtaining the signatures of prime minister Han and relevant Cabinet members, failed to publicly announce when the martial law would be implemented, in which areas of the country martial law was being implemented as well as who the martial law commander would be. Lastly, Yoon failed to notify the National Assembly of martial law implementation without delay.
- Interfered with the National Assembly's authority to overturn martial law:
Deploying the military and police to block the Assembly members from entering the National Assembly and by ordering them to be dragged out, violated the constitutional provision that grants the Assembly the right to demand the lifting of martial law. Yoon also violated lawmakers' rights to deliberate and vote, as well as their right to immunity from arrest.
- Violated the freedom of political party activities:
Result of Yoon's direct request to NIS first deputy director Hong Jang-won to track the locations of his political opponents for potential arrests.
- Infringed the political neutrality of the military and the duty of the commander-in-chief under the Constitution:
Deploying military troops for political purposes, to block the functions and exercise of power by the National Assembly, led soldiers into direct conflict with civilians.
- Infringed Constitutional rights stipulating the political party system, representative democracy and the principle of the separation of powers:
Violated in the martial law decree with orders to prohibit the activities of the National Assembly, regional assemblies and political parties.
- Violated people's basic political rights, right to collective action, freedom of occupation, etc.:
By violating the provisions of the Constitution and Martial Law Act that stipulate the requirements for restricting basic rights under martial law and the principle of warrant requirements.
- Unauthorized search and seizure without a warrant at the National Election Commission and infringing its independence:
Yoon's order to the defense minister Kim to mobilize troops to inspect the National Election Commission's computer systems, raiding the NEC, confiscation of on-duty NEC staff members’ phones, filming NEC computer systems infringed the independence of the NEC. Conducting search and seizure of the NEC without a warrant violated the warrant requirement principle. The court also added that the NEC had already taken measures to prevent election fraud before the last National Assembly election contrary to Yoon's claims.
- Violated the independence of the judiciary by tracking and making plans to arrest former judges
Engaging in location-tracking attempts for the purpose of potentially arresting the former chief justice Kim Myeong-su and former justices of the Supreme Court such as ex-justice Kwon Soon-il (former chair of the NEC), created pressure on current judges, suggesting they could be subject to arrest by the executive branch at any time.
Upon the conclusion of the verdict at 11.22am KST, Yoon ceased to be president of South Korea, triggering a presidential election due to take place within 60 days. This paved the way for Yoon to be charged with other crimes in addition to insurrection as he no longer had presidential immunity.
Insurrection trial
Yoon's trial on charges of insurrection began on 14 April.[366] He attended the fifth hearing of the trial on 26 May, and he refused to respond to any questions from the press.[367]
If found guilty, Yoon faces the death penalty or life imprisonment, although there has been a moratorium on executions in South Korea since 1997.[368]
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Trial of Kim Yong-hyun
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Kim Yong-hyun's trial on charges of insurrection began on 27 March, with a total of six witness examinations.[369] Kim's trial is being shared along with former commander Roh Sang-won and former Colonel Kim Yong-gun. Over the following two months, five more hearings were held with the three, however these hearings were kept private as they were charged in connection with key insurrection-related duties. The fifth hearing was scheduled for 23 May.[370] On 28 May, Judge Ji Gwi-yeon, who was assigned the trial case, announced that Kim's trial would now be publicized; "to ensure transparency and uphold the rule of law in handling serious charges such as insurrection."[371] On 4 June, Kim submitted a withdrawal request to the court, however he withdrew it later that day.[372]
On 9 June, the court announced they were considering additionally charging Kim, along with former Army Intelligence Command Chief Roh Sang-won, with tampering with evidence after it was discovered that on 5 December 2024, Roh gave Kim a secret burner cellphone device, who initialized it before returning it to Roh. It was also discovered that Kim continued to use a different burner cellphone until his arrest. Prosecutors believe Roh and Kim may have used these devices to contact prosecution officials.[373][374] They were also considering indicting Kim on suspicion of bribery, illegal provision of a secret cellphone, and suspicion of military blacklist; as well as threats of violence for ordering court justices to be "punished" in a prison letter he wrote in March. The court also confirmed that Kim was second-in-command of the martial law order.[375]
On 14 June, the court decided they were going to offer to release Kim on bail of 100 million won and a written pledge to not destroy evidence or flee overseas. Under South Korean law, Kim's detention period would expire on 27 June, six months after his indictment. He would be free without any restrictions if the court released him after the detention period expired, with his detention period only being extended if he was additionally indicted on other charges. Upon release, Kim would be prohibited from meeting or communicating with people involved in the martial law case, from leaving his home address, and from using cellphone devices or email. If said restrictions were violated, Kim would be re-arrested.[375]
On 16 June, Kim rejected the bail offer and filed an appeal to the court. He argued that conditional release against his will right before the expiration of the detention period was "effectively another form of detention that restricts personal freedom."[376] On 19 June, Special Prosecutor Cho Eun-seok received investigation records regarding suspicion of obstruction of justice and tampering with evidence. As a result, Cho additionally indicted Kim on the two charges, a decision Kim claimed was "illegal."[377] The court decided to give Kim a separate trial for these charges, and that its first hearing would be held on 17 July.[378][379]
On 17 July, the first hearing for Kim's additional trial began, however it only lasted twenty minutes because Kim refused to respond when asked if he would like to have a citizen participation trial.[380] On 11 August, former Minister of the Interior and Safety Lee Sang-min testified as a witness, without Kim present.[381] On the same day, Kim filed a request to cancel his detention with the court handling the additional indictments, as well as a transfer of jurisdiction, requesting that the case be tried in a different court.[382]
As well as Yoon, Kim faces the death penalty or life imprisonment if found guilty.[291]
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Special counsel investigation
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On 4 June 2025, Yoon's successor, Lee Jae Myung of the Democratic Party took office as president after winning the election held on the previous day.[383]
On 5 June, the DPK-controlled National Assembly passed a bill to set up a special counsel investigation into Yoon's martial law, after being vetoed multiple times by the previous acting presidents.[384] The bill mandating a permanent special counsel investigation against Yoon will look into 11 different charges tied to his martial law attempt, including insurrection and mutiny. President Lee's government promulgated and enacted the bills on 10 June.
Cho Eun-suk, former chief of the Seoul High Prosecutors Office and former acting chief of the Board of Audit and Inspection, was appointed as the special counsel by President Lee.[385] Cho was the prosecutor who oversaw the investigation into the 2014 Sinking of MV Sewol disaster. The bill mandating a permanent special counsel investigation against Yoon will look into 11 different charges tied to his martial law bid, including insurrection and military mutiny. The investigation team would be made up of 60 prosecutors.[386]
This meant that the concurrent probes by the police, prosecutors and CIO would be merged into the special counsel investigation. The ongoing criminal cases against Yoon were transferred to the special prosecutor on June 19.[387]
Among the first acts of the special counsel investigation was to extend Kim Yong-hyun's detention by indicting him with additional charges of obstruction of justice and abetting the destruction of evidence just as he was set to be released. Military prosecutors filed new charges against Yeo In-hyung and Moon Sang-ho, with further investigations into Roh Sang-won. The special counsel team also begun to investigate allegations where two Defense Intelligence Command officers were allegedly caught by Mongolia's intelligence agency trying to contact the North Korean Embassy in Mongolia ten days before the imposition of martial law as a key clue pointing to an attempt to bait North Korea into a skirmish.[388]
Yoon Suk-Yeol receives additional arrest and indictments
On 6 July 2025, South Korean prosecutors filed a request to detain Yoon Suk-Yeol a day after he appeared before them for questioning over his declaration of martial law the previous year.[389] He was would then once again be arrested on 10 July 2025[390] and indicted for abuse of power on 19 July.[391] On 18 July 2025, the Seoul District Court denied Yoon's request to be released from prison,[392] with the additional indictment then requiring for him to remain in prison for up to six months.[393]
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Opinion polling
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Opinion polling carried out by Realmeter on 4 December found that 73.4% of respondents supported Yoon's impeachment while 24% opposed it. It also found that 70% believed that Yoon's actions constituted treason while 25% believed otherwise.[394] Another poll by Gallup conducted from 3 December to 5 December found that Yoon's approval rating had fallen by six percentage points to 13% since the martial law declaration, while the PPP's approval rating had fallen by five percentage points to 27%. Conversely, the DPK's approval rating had increased by four percentage points to 37%.[395][396]
A Realmeter poll, released a week later on 12 December, found 74.8% of respondents supported either Yoon's immediate resignation or impeachment, while 16.2% supported the PPP's proposal of Yoon's orderly resignation. The poll also found that 66.2% of respondents had experienced trauma since the martial law declaration, 26.2% had experienced trauma but recovered, and 40.0% continued to experience trauma.[397] A Gallup poll released on 13 December found that Yoon's approval rating had fallen further to 11%, with 49% of respondents citing his declaration of martial law as a reason to assess him negatively. 75% of respondents supported Yoon's impeachment, while 21% opposed. It also found that the PPP's approval rating had fallen by three percentage points to 24%, while the DPK's approval rating had increased by three percentage points to 40%.[398] The same poll also found Speaker Woo Won-shik emerging as the most trusted politician in South Korea for his actions during martial law and the subsequent impeachment, with a rating of 56%.[399]
On 31 December, a poll conducted by The Korea Times and Hankook Research found 98% of DPK supporters believed that Yoon committed treason in declaring martial law, while 81% of PPP supporters believed otherwise, with only 12% agreeing with the treason charges.[400] The same entities also found that 56% were in favor of amending the constitutional provisions on presidential power, while 39% were opposed. The same poll also found that 45% wanted constitutional reforms to address the shortcomings of the single, five-year term system, while 35% wanted to limit presidential powers to ensure better checks and balances, of which 64% specifically cited the presidential veto power. Another 17% wanted to overhaul the presidential election system.[401]
Impact on South Korean military personnel
Concerns have been raised about morale and combat readiness in the Republic of Korea Armed Forces, following reported distrust in their own military leaders by rank-and-file troops after being sent to execute orders, and suspensions of senior military officials implicated or under investigations for their roles in the martial law declaration, potentially leading to leadership vacuums and low morale.[402]
On 18 December, the Ministry of National Defense found "at least several dozen soldiers" were at high risk of developing post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and required special care, after conducting psychological evaluations on all personnel dispatched during the martial law incident. The Ministry also reported that many were likely reluctant to seek counseling due to fear of being identified for their roles in the martial law operations. In response, the ministry introduced a civilian psychological counseling program to ensure anonymous support for affected troops.[403] A report by JTBC on 27 February 2025 found that the ministry deemed 71 soldiers as in need of treatment for mental health issues following a psychological evaluation, with two of them in a dangerous category.[404]
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Reception and analysis
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The students and staff of Chungam High School, Yoon Suk Yeol's alma mater, received public backlash by citizens over the martial law declaration and the Chungam Faction. In return, the school ultimately announced that students were not mandated to wear their uniforms to school until graduation in an attempt to protect them from harassment.[405] They also confirmed they had no association with both the declaration and the faction. Chungam High School Foundation Chairwoman Yoon Myung-hwa called Yoon Suk Yeol and Kim Yong-hyun "shameful graduates" in a social media post,[224] and would state in another post; "The school’s office is flooded with complaint calls all day, and even school bus drivers report being harassed by citizens passing by. There’s even a petition to change the school’s name. The school’s reputation and the country’s honor are tarnished. What kind of mental anguish must our students be enduring?"
Leif-Eric Easley, a professor of international studies at Ewha Womans University in Seoul, compared it to the January 6 United States Capitol attack and the 8 January Brasília attacks, saying the effects of the declaration of martial law on South Korean politics and its reputation would be far worse than what happened in the United States.[406]
Students at Myungil Girls' High School, Kim Keon-hee's alma mater, put up posters decrying Kim in response to the martial law order.
Youngshik Bong, an adviser to the Ministry of Unification and visiting professor at Yonsei University, said that declaring martial law should be reserved for the most serious situations, such as war. He added that this will backfire on the president as "his impeachment is really in the cards now".[407]
Park Sung-min, a political consultant in Seoul, said "I don't know what his end goal was here, because I think this was political suicide [...] It seems clear that President Yoon is now more likely to step down in the middle of his term rather than seeing his term through to completion".[68]
Shim Young-sub, an adjunct professor of media video promotion at Kyung Hee Cyber University, noted that the martial law decree only mentioned regulations on legacy media but did not include the internet. Shim said attempting to suppress free speech "using a martial law document reminiscent of the 1980s [...] was a pipe dream".[408]
Yang Sang-hoon, editor-in-chief of the conservative The Chosun Ilbo newspaper, called Yoon's martial law the "most foolish self-destructive incident in the history of Korean presidents" and apologized for doubting earlier predictions that Yoon would make such a move.[409]
During a press conference in Stockholm on 6 December before delivering her Nobel lecture, 2024 Nobel Prize in Literature laureate, South Korea's Han Kang, who wrote the novel Human Acts inspired by the 1980 Gwangju Uprising, called the martial law declaration a shock, but described sensing the "truthfulness and courage" of "unarmed citizens attempting to stop armed soldiers", "young police and soldiers who moved reluctantly, as if sensing some inner conflict" and "striving to do the least amount of harm as possible".[408][410]
The declaration of martial law was said to trigger memories in older Koreans of past military dictatorships and the authoritarian era, while younger Koreans, educated and exposed to elders sharing their experiences about abuses under past military rule, reacted with alarm and disbelief while recalling lessons about torture, imprisoned opposition leaders and deadly crackdowns on pro-democracy protests in the past. Unlike past military coups which had the endorsement of the United States, this was mainly a domestic political issue that was handled swiftly and decisively by South Korean citizens without external interference. Combined with troops refusing to abide by unjust orders, these were cited as reasons to believe that South Korean democracy and society has evolved in the last 4 decades to the point that a return to military rule or dictatorship would not be accepted.[121]
On 12 December, 510 psychiatrists issued a statement that "since Dec. 3, the whole nation has been suffering psychologically". They said in the statement "many people who remember the history of military dictatorship and state violence were forced to relive the trauma and experience a serious level of fear".[411]
In the days following the botched martial law order, the 2023 film 12.12: The Day, a depiction of the coup organized by Chun Doo-hwan in 1979 became the No. 1 South Korean film on the streaming platform Netflix,[412] while memes appeared online of main character Chun Doo-kwang's (based on Chun Doo-hwan, portrayed by Hwang Jung-min) face replaced with President Yoon, and posts comparing scenes from the film with the footage of the recent events. There were calls for a theatrical re-release of the film.[413] Additionally, a letter signed by 3,000 members of South Korea's film industry, including Parasite director Bong Joon-ho, said the martial law declaration threatened to send the Korean wave "into the abyss".[414]
International analysis
In the United States, Foreign Policy magazine,[54] the Associated Press,[415] political scientists Sidney Tarrow[416] and Benjamin Engel,[417] and coup historians Joe Wright and John J. Chin[418] described the events as an attempted self-coup. The subsequent impeachment motion in the National Assembly also described Yoon's actions as a self-coup.[419] The New Yorker characterized it as "a coup, almost" and an "intended coup".[420]
In the United Kingdom, The Economist described the event as an attempted coup.[421] The Economist Intelligence Unit also cited the declaration as its reason to downgrade South Korea from a "full democracy" to a "flawed democracy" in its 2024 Democracy Index.[422] BBC News reported one resident comparing it to the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état.[423]
Reporters Without Borders criticized the declaration of martial law and its provisions allowing for military control of the press, noting that it would have led to the South Korean presidency gaining "total control over the media for the first time since the country's democratization".[424]
The martial law declaration was cited by Freedom House in its decision to give South Korea a score of 81 out of 100 in its Freedom in the World 2025 index, a reduction of two points from the previous year. The organization said that the "move highlighted one of the biggest threats faced by democracies around the world: elected leaders who attack democratic institutions".[425]
International diplomatic statements
Multiple countries have issued advisories urging caution, advising their citizens in South Korea to be vigilant and avoid public demonstrations.[426] The White House and the United States Department of State said they were not given notice ahead of time of Yoon's intention to declare martial law,[427] while South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul refused to take calls from US ambassador Philip Goldberg for the duration of martial law.[428] State Department spokesperson Vedant Patel expressed "grave concern" for the ongoing developments while reiterating the United States' "iron-clad" alliance with South Korea.[429] Deputy Secretary of State Kurt M. Campbell called Yoon's decision to impose martial law "badly-misjudged".[430] The White House later expressed relief at the lifting of martial law,[431] as did United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres.[432]
Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani said that NATO has warned North Korea not to take advantage of the situation.[433] The United States Department of Defense said it had not received a request for military assistance from South Korea during the declaration of martial law,[434] adding that there was no force posture change in the United States Forces Korea (USFK).[435] USFK Commander General Paul LaCamera urged personnel and their families to "exercise individual vigilance".[436]
Kyrgyzstan's President Sadyr Japarov was on a state visit in South Korea when martial law was declared.[437] The Kyrgyz government issued a statement confirming the safety of the president and his delegation.[438] Japarov concluded the state visit and returned to Kyrgyzstan on 4 December.[439] Swedish Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson cancelled his scheduled visit to South Korea and summit with Yoon.[440] Meetings of the Nuclear Consultative Group and related military exercises were also postponed indefinitely by the United States,[441] along with a visit by Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin.[442] Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani postponed a scheduled visit in late December.[443] Kazakhstan also cancelled defense meetings with its South Korean counterparts and a visit by Defense Minister Ruslan Jaqsylyqov on 5 December, while a visit by Japanese MPs from the Japan-Korea Parliamentarians' Union led by former Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga was also cancelled. Likewise, South Korean Foreign Minister Cho Tae-yul cancelled his scheduled address at the World Emerging Security Forum in Seoul on 5 December, while Deputy Foreign Ministers Kim Hong-kyun and Kang In-sun respectively cut short and cancelled their attendance at diplomatic meetings in Europe and the United Arab Emirates. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs also issued diplomatic notes to all embassies inside South Korea emphasizing the stabilization of the domestic situation following martial law.[444][445]
In Taiwan, the Democratic Progressive Party Legislative Caucus posted an article on Threads, claiming that the declaration of martial law was a legitimate effort to protect free constitutional democracy in South Korea and criticizing Taiwanese opposition parties for obstructing national security proposals, allegedly "unconstitutionally expand[ing]" their powers, and reducing the defense budget.[446][447] While the post was deleted shortly afterwards, it sparked criticism from major opposition parties, including the Kuomintang and the Taiwan People's Party, who interpreted the post as a threat to take similar measures in Taiwan.[446][448]
Coverage in North Korea
Despite having previously reported negatively on the Yoon administration on a regular basis, the state-controlled North Korean press initially refrained from reporting on the martial law declaration and its aftermath. Some South Korean analysts believed this was to avoid provoking cross-border tensions and encouraging resistance against the North Korean government.[449][450] On 11 December 2024, North Korean state media released its first statements on the martial law declaration through an article published in the newspaper Rodong Sinmun,[451] describing it as an "insane act" that was "akin to the coup d'état of the decades-ago military dictatorship era".[452] It also described the incident as having "revealed the weakness in South Korean society" and hinted at the end of Yoon's political career. The newspaper also published images of anti-Yoon protests in Seoul.[452][451][449] On the same day, North Korea's state TV described the incident as "chaos" and called the South a "fascist dictatorship".[453] On 3 January 2025, North Korean state media said that South Korea was in "political chaos" amid ongoing attempts to arrest Yoon.[454]
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Commemoration
On 17 July 2025, a monument was unveiled in front of the National Assembly building commemorating the vote that overturned martial law and the protests that occurred against the declaration. It contains an engraving containing the words "The National Assembly of the Republic of Korea -- the final bastion of democracy".[455]
See also
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- 16 May coup – 1961 military coup in South Korea
- October Restoration – 1972 self-coup by the South Korean president
- Coup d'état of December Twelfth – 1979 coup d'état in South Korea that brought Chun Doo-hwan to power
- 2019 South Korean National Assembly attack – an incident where supporters of the Liberty Korea Party, a predecessor of the People Power Party, illegally invaded the National Assembly and violently attacked lawmakers of other parties.
- Impeachment of Park Geun-hye § Plans for a potential military response to protests – 2016 South Korean presidential impeachment. Defense Security Command plan in 2017 to declare martial law in the event South Korean president Park Geun-hye was not impeached by the Constitutional Court.
- Korea Passing – Due to 2024 South Korean martial law crisis, there are concerns about South Korea's diplomatic isolation and the so-called "Korea Passing".
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Notes
- Opposed the declaration of martial law but the majority of its legislators boycotted the first impeachment motion and voted against the second
- Although The Korea Times says "The motion was [by] the DPK, Rebuilding Korea Party (RKP), New Reform Party, Progressive Party, Basic Income Party and Social Democratic Party. All 191 lawmakers from the [parties...]",[236] Financial Times says "190 lawmakers from six opposition parties",[237] and the actual parties add to 190 members.
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References
External links
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