Armed conflict for control of the favelas

The armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro or simply Civil conflict for control of the favelas is an ongoing conflict between Brazilian militias, organized criminal groups Comando Vermelho, Amigos dos Amigos, Terceiro Comando Puro and the Brazilian state.

Armed conflict for control of the favelas in Greater Rio de Janeiro
Army Forces climbing Rocinha hill with support from a navy amphibious armored vehicle.
Date 2 October 1992[1] – present Location Brazil, São Paulo State (small scale) and Rio de Janeiro (large scale): Jacarezinho, Morro dos Macacos, Morro São João, Vila Cruzeiro and other favelas Status Ongoing Militias control 60% of Rio's favelas
Belligerents
Militias Liga da Justiça faction Escritório do Crime faction Police death squads	Primeiro Comando da Capital[2] Terceiro Comando Puro Amigos dos Amigos	Comando Vermelho	Brazil São Paulo State (small scale) Military Police of São Paulo State Rio de Janeiro (large scale) Military Police of Rio de Janeiro State
Commanders and leaders
Coronel Jairo Jerônimo Guimarães Filho † Carlos Alexandre Silva Cavalcante † Adriano Magalhães da Nóbrega † Ricardo Teixeira Cruz Aldemar Almeida dos Santos Toni Ângelo de Souza Aguiar Tandera Danilo Dias Lima Delson Lima Neto † Marco Antônio Figueiredo Martins † Maciel Valente de Souza †	Marcola Roberto Soriano Abel Pacheco de Andrade Wanderson Nilton de Paula Lima Daniel Vinicius Canônico Valdeci Alves dos Santos Donizete Apolinário da Silva † Cristiano Lopes Costa † André Macedo Oliveira Marcos Roberto de Almeida Celso Pinheiro Pimenta † Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes Alexandre Bandeira de Melo Rogério 157 Luciano Oliveira Felipe † Róbson André da Silva † Márcio José Sabino Pereira † Coronel Bruno da Silva Loureiro	Elias Maluco † Mineiro da Cidade Alta † Luiz Fernando da Costa	Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva José Beltrame Coronel Mario Sergio Duarte Orderlei Santos Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva Nelson Jobim Sérgio Cabral Filho General Sardenberg
Casualties and losses
42,000+ deaths[3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10]

According to law student Carlos Gilberto Martins Junior, Brazil, with emphasis on the State of Rio de Janeiro, there has been an arbitrary use of these powers and attributions, conferred on police institutions, to satisfy the patrimonial aspirations of some of its agents, through territorial domination and violence, to the detriment of the peripheral communities and under the pretext of saving them from the "greater evil" represented by drug trafficking, corroborating the emergence of criminal organizations which are conventionally called the "militia".^[11]

Names

The armed conflict in favelas is referred to by different names. Some Brazilian newspapers call the conflict "Guerra às drogas no Brasil",^[12] literally "War on Drugs in Brazil". Linked to the 2009 Battle of Morro dos Macacos, several newspapers have called it the "Rio de Janeiro Drug War".^[13]

Background

Organized crime is intrinsically intertwined with Greater Rio de Janeiro's history, growing with the development of the cities zones and their favelas. Rio de Janeiro is unique in that it has some of its wealthiest, tourist-driven communities located nearby neighborhoods that face high proportions of violence and criminal presence. This dynamic further perpetuates violence, increasing cries for police intervention from the wealthy which repress the poor,^[14] and increases the reliance on groups such as militias or organized crime, which often leverage protection and self-governance over state intervention. It is important to note that in order to accomplish drug market dominance and self-governance, though, organized crime heavily relies upon its relationships with political and state actors and institutions.^[14]

Panorama night image of Rocinha, the largest favela in Rio de Janeiro.

Geographically and socially, Rio de Janeiro is split into three zones. The Zona Sul (South Zone) is the smallest region, but contains Rio's tourist destinations and wealthy residents,^[15] as well as notable attractions Ipanema and Sugarloaf mountain. Zona Norte (North Zone) contains much of Rio's industrial areas, and is densely populated—making it a key region for drug trafficking.^[15] Zona Oeste (West Zone) is younger than the other two regions, due to its geographic setting. Largely rural, the area lacks the defining characteristics drug organizations look for, such as population or transportation opportunities.^[15] Instead, organizations such as militias largely dominate control of the region.

Beginning with rackets such as Jogo do Bicho, Rio de Janeiro has had many incidents of collusion among criminal organizations and social and political institutions. Following the military dictatorship, political tools originally used by the regime, such as the prison complex Cândido Mendes, created the first prison gangs in Rio in the late 1970s.^[16] With the subsequent cocaine boom in South America,^[17] these gangs would go on to dominate the drug market and capitalize off it within favela communities. Heightened tensions for control of these neighborhoods contributed to turf wars and new factions of organized crime forming.

Criminal Organizations in Rio de Janeiro

CV drug gang

Comando Vermelho (Red Command) or the C.V. is Brazil's oldest criminal organization, which engages in drug trafficking, protection racketeering, and turf wars with rival drug gangs and militias in Greater Rio de Janeiro, among other criminal activities.

The formation of the organization dates back to the late 1970s, when political prisoners and common criminals in the Cândido Mendes prison (located on the island Ilha Grande) formed a self-protective alliance.^[16] Through the transfer of gang leaders by the Brazilian government, the gang was able to gain control of other prisons and establish itself on the ground in Greater Rio de Janeiro. With the cocaine boom of the 1980s, the gang's focus shifted from petty crime to that of drug trafficking,^[17] which allowed for larger profits and control of city municipalities.

Despite years of violent conflict with Brazilian police and deterrent efforts such as the Police Pacifying Unit (UPP), and among conflicts with other criminal organizations, the CV maintains significant power and governance in Rio de Janeiro's favelas. Current issues for the CV reside in outbreaks of violence with criminal organizations for control of drug routes and turf wars with militias^[16] over territories such as their headquarters, Complexo do Alemão.

ADA drug gang

Amigos dos Amigos (Friends of Friends) or ADA is another of Rio de Janeiro's most prominent drug gangs, historically having strongholds in Rocinha—the largest of the favelas in greater Rio de Janeiro. The criminal organization formed in the late 1990s by ex-members of Comando Vermelho—who were expelled due to the killing of another member—in order to compete for territorial dominance.^[18] CV is still ADA's biggest rival, along with the Terceiro Comando Puro (Third Pure Command, TCP).

in 2004, after the death of the previous boss of Rochinha, Luciano Barbosa da Silva, or Lulu, a leader of CV, Antônio Bonfim Lopes, better known as "Nem" or "Nem da Rocinha" gained control of Rocinha and became one of the major leaders of ADA. Under his control of Rocinha, corruption, rather than violence increased, leading to an era of relative calm in the favela^[19] while continuously strengthening ADA's drug trafficking schemes and the consolidation of power over political networks and social projects.^[15] This included the financial and social support of political candidates,^[15] provision of services and regularly held parties and celebrations.^[18] Nem's eventual arrest in 2011 led to years of incessant turf wars for control of Rocinha among ADA and CV, which are still ongoing. Although unconfirmed, it is thought that Nem still leads ADA operations from within prison.^[20]

TCP drug gang

Terceiro Comando Puro (Pure Third Command) or TCP is yet another of Rio de Janeiro's most powerful organized crime groups, participating in the drug market and extortion. Originating in 2002, the group began as an off-shoot of the Terceiro Comando (Third Command),^[21] which no longer operates and was originally a faction formed off of Comando Vermelho.

Although enemies now, Terceiro Comando and Amigos dos Amigos formed an alliance in the late 1990s to overtake territory held by their mutual enemy, CV.^[21] Several years later, this alliance crumbled and led to the degradation of the Terceiro Comando, until former leader Nei da Conceição Cruz, alias "Facão, reformed the group in 2002 under the new name Terceiro Comando Puro.

Since then, TCP has maintained territorial control of the northern and western zones of Rio de Janeiro, although they may be attempting to expand their territory through the help of an alleged alliance with Primeiro Comando da Capital (First Capital Command) or PCC, Brazil's largest criminal organization, headquartered in São Paulo.^[21] It is important to note the breakdown of the alliance between CV and the PCC in 2016, which has allowed this possible new alliance to form. TCP also engages in continual turf wars with ADA and CV, but have recently gained allies in the form of militias.

Jogo do Bicho illegal gambling groups

Jogo do Bicho (Animal game) is an illegal gambling game in Brazil, which is still incredibly popular and sought out despite its federal prohibition in 1946. The game is played all around the country, with lottery-style drawings in every state occurring daily in its headquarters in Greater Rio de Janeiro.^[22] The game is controlled by bosses, called bicheiros or banqueiros ("bankers").

Jogo do Bicho is a longstanding staple in Brazilian culture, with thousands participating in the game daily. Because of its potential to circulate and raise large sums of money, control of Jogo do Bicho is lucrative and largely contributes to corruption, with politicians, judicial personnel, and members of the police force all monetarily and politically benefitting from it.^[22] Bicheiros also contribute funding to social programs, such as samba schools, which play a critical role in cultural festivities such as Brazilian Carnival.^[22] Because of this, Jogo do Bicho, and in turn its bicheiros, are deeply ingrained in Brazilian culture, especially in Rio de Janeiro, and contribute to the landscape of organized crime and corruption.

Militia organizations

Brazilian milicias (militias), or paramilitary groups, consisting of current and retired police officers, prison guards, and military members, control much of the western territory of Rio de Janeiro^[23] and continue to expand their territory through turf wars with ADA and CV. Militia groups have grown in size and power rapidly, originating in the early 2000s and growing to control highly populated areas since. Founded as vigilante groups, they've amassed enough power as to dominate and extort entire territories of Rio de Janeiro. Along with extortion methods, the groups have gained political influence and have even been previously supported by high-profile politicians, such as former president Jair Bolsonaro.^[24]

Unlike the other criminal organizations such as CV and ADA, who have always invested in the drug market, militias positioned themselves against drug trafficking in order to gain community approval and trust, with some favela residents seeing them as the "lesser evil" of crime as compared to drug gangs.^[23] Instead of drug trafficking, the groups participate in extortion, controlling civilian access to gas, land, and cable television.^[25] Recently, some groups have decided to expand to allowing drug dealing within their territories or are doing so themselves, leveraging profit and control of important territories from drug gangs.^[26]

Spillover in São Paulo

PCC cartel

Sites in São Paulo State attacked by PCC in 2006.

Since the start of the conflict and the militias attacks, the PCC gang started attacking police, soldiers and civilians. The biggest attack was the violence outbreak in 2006 killing 141 people, 33 of whom policemen.^[8][9] In 2012, another wave of attacks on police began after the killing of 6 PCC gang members, one of them arrested, tortured and then executed, perpetred by policemen to revenge the killing of a policeman two months earlier.^{[27][28][29][30]} Since then, 106 police officers and 775 civilians were killed.^[31][32][10]

Formation of the UPP

BOPE agents during a raid using a "Caveirão" in 2007.

The Unidade de Polícia Pacificadora (Pacifying Police Units) or UPP was a security program in Rio de Janeiro that aimed to reclaim favelas from criminal organizations, most of which are drug gangs such as CV, ADA, and TCP, through community policing. The strategy worked in two parts: deployment of the Military Police of Rio (PMERJ) into the favelas, and then increasing the amount of police officers who were meant to interact with the community through units,^[33] in hopes of creating a healthier relationship between favela residents and law enforcement than what existed in years prior. For decades, interactions with police in Rio de Janeiro were abrasive; violent interactions between drug gangs and the police led to civilian casualties, and numerous instances of abuses of power by the police led to a general distrust by favela residents.^[34] The creation of the UPP aimed to both restructure the police force and its interactions with civilians, while also deterring criminal activity leading up to the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Summer Olympics, an increased period of tourism.

A secondary component of the UPP plan was the creation of UPP Social, which aimed to address the social welfare needs of the favelas by UPP units. This included improvements to sanitation, education, and healthcare, among other social issues.

Caveirão

A Caveirão used by BOPE.

Caveirão (literally translated as Skull) is the popular name for the armored car used by the Rio de Janeiro State Military Police (PMERJ) in raids in high-risk areas, usually favelas. Officially, this armored car is called an armored personnel carrier (VBTP) or also the Pacificador (literally translated as Peacemaker), this is due to the fact, according to what the police force says, that its use is aimed at pacifying areas where the crime rate is high.^[35]

The vehicles are characterised by their black paint job, the logo of the Military Police Special Police Operations Battalion (BOPE), which depicts a skull with an embedded dagger and crossed golden revolvers (hence the nickname), the white armoured vehicle of the Peacekeeping Police Unit (UPP), and the use of loudspeakers announcing the arrival of the armoured vehicle.^[36] Weighing nearly 8 tons, it can accommodate up to 11 officers.^[37] Current vehicles weigh 10 tons, carry up to 15 people, and accommodate 13 officers. It can reach a top speed of 120 km/h, operate at full capacity for 24 hours, and can withstand three million kilometers without water. Its range is sufficient for 700 km.^[38]

Critics on the armored vehicle

Their use is a source of extreme controversy among different sectors of society, since there are advocates for their immediate abolition, as, according to scholars, the raids constitute serious human rights violations.^[39] However, the use of "Caveirões" is widely defended by the PMERJ.^[40]

Early Success

in 2009, the first UPP was set up in the Santa Marta favela, with more quickly following—coalescing in 32 units overall, spanning all of Rio de Janeiro's zones (though most were located in Zona Norte). Despite urges for increased financial support, the UPP units amassed praise in their early years for evident decreases in both visible crime and violence within the favelas they were operating in.^[41]

Because military presence was a precursor to actual UPP units, many drug traffickers fled occupied favelas to avoid persecution or capture by the Military Police of Rio's tactical unit, BOPE. Because of this, crime rates significantly dropped for a couple years. In interviews with residents, details of the freedoms they were allowed once UPP units were installed continued to highlight the successes of the project.^[41]

Amarildo Souza, UPP abuses, and backsliding

Main article: Case of Amarildo de Souza

Despite early success, some of the main hindrances of the UPP project were police abuses and disappearances that occurred. One of the most prominent cases of this was the disappearance of Amarildo Souza, a bricklayer from the Rocinha favela.^[42] Souza, 42, had been fishing the morning of his disappearance and decided to go into the favela to get produce when he was confronted by UPP officers.^[43] Souza was taken for questioning and subsequently never returned home.^[43]

Souza was well known throughout Rocinha, leading to public outcry at his disappearance and a lack of response by the UPP unit. After more than two months of public outcry, an investigation was opened into his disappearance, where twenty-four UPP officers and the UPP commander were found accused of torture, concealing a body, procedural fraud, and conspiracy.^[44] In the subsequent trial, twelve officers would be found guilty of torture, procedural fraud, and concealing a body.^[45]

Despite the investigation and criminal case, the UPP suffered weakened support from favela residents, who felt both anger and fear at the actions of the local UPP unit. Coupled with insufficient training^[33] and poorly strategized growth of the units, the UPP continued to fail as insignificant funding heavily derailed the project, which could not perform what it was intended to.^[46] With the weakening of the UPP, criminal organizations could again attempt to reclaim their territories through shootouts and confrontations, but were this time more successful.^[34]

The conflict

Militias and Criminal groups controlled areas.

After the Carandiru massacre and the increase in police repression, smaller criminal groups began to unite in pursuit of certain objectives, and they had in common: protecting their partners in crime, avoiding police repression and generating a "professionalization" of drug trafficking with clearer positions and rules within the factions themselves, the so-called hierarchy.^[47] Thus began to attack police and soldiers to defend their traffics and territories, starting a drug war.^[48] As a response, the Brazilian pseudo-police militias emerged in the 1990s,^[1] being composed mainly of off-duty police officers receiving assistance from local businessmen who needed protection from armed gangs.^[49] Between 12 and 21 May 2006, the PCC, commanded by Marcola, attacked security forces, starting a riot in whole São Paulo, as a result 564 people, 59 of whom policemen, were killed and 110 injured.^[50] The Comando Vermelho began carrying out terrorist attacks against civilian targets between 27 and 31 December 2006, during these attacks, 19 people died, being 10 civilians, 2 policemen and 7 gang members. As retaliation, the pseudo-police conducted several raids against the Comando Vermelho, killing more than 100 gang members.^[4][6] The militias launched several attacks between January 2007 and March 2008 against the Comando Vermelho, conquering the Cidade Alta favela on 4 February, three days later it was recaptured by the Comando Vermelho commanded by Gilberto Martins da Silva, alias "Mineiro da Cidade Alta". In the subsequent clashes 20 gang members were killed, and during the same period, several families were expelled by militias from their homes and assaulted in the Palmeirinha favela, in Guadalupe, Piauí.^[51] The militias obtained a "Caveirão" (an armored vehicle used by the BOPE, Batalhão de Operações Policiais Especiais, and the Military Police of the State of Rio de Janeiro for high-risk operations) in January of the same year.^[51] According to some investigations, the militias finance their armed struggle with illegal activities, such as extortion, kidnapping, usury, racketeering, robbery, human trafficking, pimping and arms trafficking^[52][53][54] In May 2008, the militias, commanded by Coronel Jairo, kidnapped and tortured a group of journalists from the Brazilian newspaper O Dia who were reporting the criminal activities perpetrated by the militiamen. After 7 hours of torture, they were released.^[55] In that same month, in clashes between the Comando Vermelho and the militias 10 people were killed. Residents were threatened by the fighting groups and the president of an association for local residents was kidnapped and subsequently disappeared.^[56] On 5 August, Carlos Alexandre Silva Cavalcante, alias "Gaguinho", leader of a faction of the militias, was killed.^[57] On 20 August 2008, the militias carried out a massacre, which resulted in the death of 7 people in the Carobinha favela in a false flag operation aiming to frame the Comando Vermelho for the massacre, and to shift public opinion against the gang, there was also an attempt to enforce the political candidacy of Carminha Jerominho, daughter of Jerônimo Guimarães Filho, alias "Jerominho", the leader of a militia faction.^[58] On 5 October, "Mineiro da Cidade Alta" was killed by the militias for the murder of several paramilitary soldiers. From 2007 to 2008, three politicians were arrested for providing support to the militias: Josinaldo Francisco da Cruz, Natalino José Guimarães and the brother.^[59][60] On 9 June 2009, Josinaldo Francisco da Cruz was killed.^[61] Despite claims from the militias, such as the "Escritório do Crime" militia faction, militias have allied themselves with criminal drug trafficking cartels like the TCP.^[62]

Police helicopter downed on Morro dos Macacos

The Morro dos Macacos is one of the most violent favelas in Rio de Janeiro, the community was invaded by CV on 17 October 2009, while it was also under the control of the ADA, who clashed with the Comando Vermelho to contend for territory, 5 gang members were killed in the clashes from 11 to 17 October.

In order to stop the clashes between the two groups, about 150 assault troops of the Special Operations Department of the Polícia Militar were dispatched for security purposes. In an attempt to prevent the intervention of the police in the ongoing feud, the criminals built makeshift barricades at several key points and subsequently set them on fire.^[63]

On 17 October, in the morning, the rear propeller of a Fenix helicopter patrolling above the community was shot and severely damaged by drug traffickers of Amigos dos Amigos:^[64] according to some sources the weapons used in the attack were a bazooka and machine guns. The helicopter crashed, killing 2 soldiers on impact, with another soldier dying later.^[65] The attack sparked a massacre between police, militias and the drug cartels. The massacre went on from 11 to 25 October 2009 and ended with a government victory, there were 47 deaths as a consequence: 40 gang members, 3 soldiers due to the shotdown and 4 civilians.^[66]

During the massacre, Brazilian authorities have admitted to corruption and brutality among the police force and the release of two narcos perpetrated by some policemen; confirming also the existence of the armed militias made up of off-duty police and firefighters who compete against drug traffickers for control of the drug market and government support for them.^[67]

2010–present

An armored M113 in Rio de Janeiro, 2010.

After the battle, there were other several clashes between militiamen and gang members. Throughout the 2010s there were several arrests and convictions against militiamen and drug traffickers involved in the massacres. The militias managed to conquer several territories under the control of the Comando Vermelho, although some of them later returned to the gang's control after being reconquered during clashes. In November 2010, another massacre occurred between the military police and the CV, resulting in the deaths of 41 people.^[68] On 1 February 2012, during a raid conducted by the Polícia Militar (PM), a "Caveirão" was destroyed by the Comando Vermelho in the favela of Jacarezinho, no injuries were reported.^[69] During the course of the massacre, the CV and the militias began recruiting child soldiers.^[70][71] On 19 November 2016, during an operation of the PM, a military police helicopter was shot down by Comando Vermelho in the favela of Cidade de Deus, in the crash four policemen died.^[72][73] In 2017, after Rogério 157, one of the leaders of the gang, had imposed excessive prices for his products, charged high fees to vendors in the Rocinha community, and expelled Danúbia de Souza Rangel, the wife of drug dealer Nem, from the area, Nem attempted to remove Rogério from Rocinha by sending three accomplices. They were later found dead by the police, thus triggering a war in Rocinha that caused 20 deaths. Eventually, Rocinha came under the control of the Comando Vermelho, after Rogério 157 joined that faction.^[74] On September 17, 2017, 60 criminals linked to drug trafficker Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes, known as Nem, invaded the community and joined forces with others. The aim of the action was to regain control of drug outlets under the command of Rogério Avelino, known as Rogério 157, who was then in charge of drug trafficking in Rocinha.^[75] On September 22, the Armed Forces besieged the community after days of gunfire. To carry out the siege, 950 men from the Army, Navy and Air Force were mobilized, as well as dozens of armored vehicles and helicopters. Three other Army battalions, totaling 3,000 men, were ready to intervene in case the situation worsened. The Armed Forces remained in the vicinity of Rocinha to support the operations conducted by the Civil and Military Police.^[76] On 9 February 2020, a prominent militia faction leader, Adriano Magalhães da Nóbrega, also known as "Capitão Adriano" or "Gordinho", was seriously injured in a police operation and later died in a hospital.^[77] On 15 October, in one of the deadliest operations against militias, the PM clash with a convoy of the militias killing 12 paramilitaries on Itaguaí, also a policeman was injured.^[78] On 6 May 2021, at least 29 people were killed in a shootout between police and drug traffickers in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil.^[79][80] The raid occurred in Jacarezinho, Rio de Janeiro,^[81] a favela notable for its high crime rate. In the Morro do Fubá favela, the residents were forced to pay a monthly fee of 50 brazilian reals as part of a protection racket. On 17 May 2022, militias attacked a civilian helicopter that was flying over the Rio area with rifles. No injuries were recorded but the helicopter suffered slight damage.^[82] On 24 May, in the favela of the Vila Cruzeiro in Rio de Janeiro, during a joint operation by the Special Police Operations Battalion (BOPE), the Federal Police and the Federal Highway Police^[83] at least 26 people were killed by gunshots or cutting objects.^[84][85] On 20 August of the same year, Delson Lima Neto, brother of one of the leader of the militias, Tandera Danilo Dias Lima, was killed alongside 3 paramilitaries soldiers by the Polícia Militar on Nova Iguaçu, in Baixada Fluminense, after his death the Comando Vermelho conquered the favela of Grão-Pará, in Nova Iguaçu.^[86] After the raid, on 23 August, the police found and seized an improvised fighting vehicle (similar to a Caveirão) used by the militias to fight against Comando Vermelho in Nova Iguaçu.^[87] On 23 March 2023, 13 people were killed after a police raid in a favela in São Gonçalo, Rio de Janeiro. Two of the Comando Vermelho gang leaders from the northern states of Pará and Sergipe are also captured.^[88] On 6 July, in western Rio de Janeiro, a Caveirão of the police was destroyed by gangs using IEDs, grenades and molotovs; no injureds reported.^[89] From 27 to 31 July of the same year, a police operation in Guarujá, São Paulo is launched after the death of a ROTA soldier, resulting in 30 people being killed.^[90][91] On 2 August, at least 10 people are killed during a police raid on a favela in Complexo da Penha, Rio de Janeiro.^[92][93] On 23 October, a wave of violent attacks occurs throughout neighborhoods in the West Zone of Rio de Janeiro after a militia member was killed in a police operation. 35 buses and a train are set on fire.^[94][95] Since February 2024, it has been widely reported in the media that the Primeiro Comando da Capital is currently in a bloody infighting between the current top leader of the PCC, Marcos Willians Herbas Camacho (aka "Marcola") and five high-ranking leaders, Roberto Soriano (aka "Tiriça" or "Beto Tiriça"), Abel Pacheco de Andrade (aka "Vida Loka") and Wanderson Nilton de Paula Lima (aka "Andinho"), Daniel Vinicius Canônico (aka "Cego") and Valdeci Alves dos Santos (aka "Colorido"), since Vida Loka, Andinho, Cego and Colorido are on Tiriça's side in the bloody feud against Marcola.^[96] On February 25, Donizete Apolinário da Silva (aka "Prata"), 55 years old, was shot dead, in Mauá (a city in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo) after returning from a baby shower. His pregnant 29-year-old wife and 10-year-old stepdaughter were injured in the shooting.^[97] On March 12, Cristiano Lopes Costa (aka "Meia Folha"), 41 years old, was killed while he was in a snack bar in Vicente de Carvalho, a district of the city of Guarujá, in Baixada Santista, São Paulo.^[98] In 14 September, a dialogue was recorded between Marcola and agents inside the Federal Penitentiary of Porto Velho (RO) in which Marcola claims that Tiriça would be a “psychopath” (because Tiriça allegedly ordered the murder of 37-year-old criminal psychologist Melissa de Almeida Araújo in May 2017, in the city of Cascavel, in the state of Paraná) and which was used as evidence to sentence Tiriça to a more severe prison sentence, which led Tiriça's allies to accuse Marcola of being a traitor.^[99] On 8 November 2024, a tentative witness in a criminal case involving the Primeiro Comando da Capital is killed in a shooting at São Paulo/Guarulhos International Airport, other 3 injured.^[100] On 5 June 2025, after an operation, an improvised fighting vehicle was seized by military police during an operation in Morro do Dendê, on Ilha do Governador, North Zone of Rio. The vehicle was found with holes in its bodywork, used to fire rifles from inside, and was used as a tool to combat drug trafficking. According to the military police, the vehicle had been modified by reinforcing the doors and windows and had strategic holes drilled, allowing criminals to shoot from inside the car without exposing themselves.^[101]

Cracolândia

An area of Cracolândia, in downtown São Paulo.

Cracolândia (literally Crackland in Portuguese) is a popular denomination for a region of the city of São Paulo, which is notorious for its high incidence of drug trafficking and drug use in public. It is located within the central region of the city, near Luz Station.^[102] Since the start of the conflict and increased police presence, drug users, gang members, homeless people and prostitutes went in one of the downtowns of São Paulo. There were lot of programs and operations in the region to fight drugs and prostitution, ending only in migration of the inhabitants of this zone to other zones, mainly in Rua dos Gusmões since 2023.^[103]

Relations between the government and the armed groups

Relations with the militias

Thanks to close ties to the official police force, the militias often enjoy the support of local corrupted politicians.^[104][105] Cesar Maia, Rio de Janeiro's mayor 1993-97 and 2001-09 supported the rise of militias; in his words, militias were "community self-defense" and "an evil better than drug gangs".^[106] In 2008, the parliamentary commission of inquiry into the militias was installed in the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro, chaired by state deputy Marcelo Freixo. Several politicians were summoned to testify before this CPI, being accused of involvement with militia members, including councillors/candidates for councilor Nadinho de Rio das Pedras [pt], Cristiano Girão, Deco and Doen, as well as deputy Marina Maggessi and deputy and former security secretary Marcelo Itagiba.^[107][108] Brazilian politician Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of Brazilian ex-President Jair Bolsonaro, was accused of having ties to death squads.^[109][110]

Relations police and narcos

Brazilian soldiers holding FN FALs during the 2010 raid in Complexo do Alemão favela.

Despite the raids and the crackdown the brazilian government's financing, there is a problem of corruption involving policemen and soldiers that has connection with the organized drug groups, such as Comando Vermelho. During the clashes in October 2009 between narcos and police, some policemen and soldiers, after being paid, freed some narcos after a raid.^[111] In 2013, law enforcement arrested 60 police officers accused of receiving weekly bribes from drug traffickers in exchange for information on ongoing operations. The officers involved allegedly received between 1,500 and 2,500 reais per week to ignore criminal activity in 13 favelas in Duque de Caxias. Some police officers were also accused of kidnapping traffickers or their relatives to extort money, sell weapons to drug traffickers, and conduct punitive operations against those who did not pay the bribes.^[112] In 2015, four members of the BOPE special unit were arrested for receiving bribes from drug traffickers. The agents allegedly warned the traffickers in advance of their planned operations, allowing them to flee or hide. The bribes ranged between 2,000 and 10,000 reais per week. This scandal has raised concerns about corruption within the police special units as well.^[113] In 2017, nine officers from the Special Tactical Action Group (GATE) of the 16th Military Police Battalion were arrested for association with organized crime. The officers allegedly collaborated with the Comando Vermelho to regain control of territories in the northern zone of Rio. The investigation began after 45 suspects were arrested and 32 rifles were seized during clashes between rival gangs.^[114] In 2018, twelve Rio police officers were convicted of kidnapping and extortion. The officers had kidnapped two alleged drug traffickers belonging to the Terceiro Comando Puro and demanded a ransom of 300,000 reais for their release. The sentences ranged from 11 to 24 years in prison.^[115]

Effects on the economy of favelas

Brazilian troops during an operation in Rocinha.

The economy of Brazil’s favelas is largely based on informality, with activities ranging from small-scale trade to unofficial services such as informal transportation and media access. However, the growing presence of drug cartels like the Comando Vermelho and militias has transformed these communities into contested territories, where safety and access to essential services are severely compromised. The ongoing conflict between drug traffickers and militias has had profound economic and social consequences. According to a study by the Center for Security and Citizenship Studies, favelas such as Penha and Manguinhos lost over $3.3 million between June 2021 and May 2022 due to this violence. The study identifies several key causes, such as the clashes because over 60% of local workers were unable to work due to police raids and armed clashes, resulting in an estimated loss of $1.9 million and also the damages caused by the skirmishes.^[116]

Initially presented as community self-defense groups, the militias have become powerful criminal organizations. They impose illegal taxes on a wide range of activities. In the favela of Rio das Pedras, for instance, militias reportedly earn more than one million reais per month from just three services: security, gas supply, and TV cable access.^[117]

Human rights violations

Militias and cartels war crimes

An injured civilian after the raid on Vila Cruzeiro perpetred by BOPE.

Violence between militias and gangs has intensified; in 2020 and 2021, "clashes between gangs and militias were responsible for 28% of reported fatalities" in Rio.^[118] For example, in July and August 2022, the CV clashed frequently with the Campinho police militia for "control of the Morro do Fuba community in the North Zone."^[118] Between 2007 and 2021, 81 children were killed in drug shotouts in Rio de Janeiro.^[119] In 2020, 100+ civilians were killed by stray bullets during shotouts and clashes.^[120] Civilians are a main target in lot of massacres.

Security forces war crimes

Police and Army violence in Brazil is considered one of the worst in the world. According to Amnesty International, between 1999 and 2004, police in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo killed approximately 10,000 people in situations described as "resisting arrest followed by death".^[121] On 23 July 1993, eight people, six of whom children, were killed while sleeping in a church in Rio de Janeiro by militiamen and policemen.^[122] On 8 April 2019, brazilian soldiers shot 80 times at a car with a family inside, killing 2 civilians; the crime had such a great impact on public opinion that the shooting of Evaldo Rosa was covered in several national and international media outlets, including the BBC,^[123] The Guardian,^[124] The Daily Telegraph,^[125] and a publication on Clarín.^[126]

See also

• Brazil portal

• Crime in Brazil
• Primeiro Comando da Capital
• Conflict in Northern Brazil