Kirishitan

Main articles: History of the Catholic Church in Japan and Christianity in Japan

The Japanese term Kirishitan (吉利支丹, 切支丹, キリシタン, きりしたん), from Portuguese cristão (cf. Kristang), meaning "Christian", referred to Catholic Christians in Japanese and is used in Japanese texts as a historiographic term for Catholics in Japan in the 16th and 17th centuries.

Kirishitan
吉利支丹, 切支丹, キリシタン

Japanese Christians in Portuguese costume, 16th–17th century.
Founder
Portuguese and Spanish missionaries
Regions with significant populations
Japan, Philippines (exiled population)
Religions
Catholic Christianity
Scriptures
The Bible
Languages
Latin, Japanese

Modern Japanese has several words for "Christian", of which the most common are the noun form kirisuto-kyōto キリスト教徒, and also kurisuchan クリスチャン. The Japanese word kirishitan キリシタン is used primarily in Japanese texts for the early history of Roman Catholicism in Japan, or in relation to Kakure Kirishitan, hidden Christians. However, English sources on histories of Japan generally use the term "Christian" without distinction.

Christian missionaries were known as bateren (from the Portuguese word padre, "father" or "priest")^[1] or iruman (from the Portuguese irmão, "brother"). Contemptuous transcriptions such as 切支丹 and 鬼利死丹 (which use kanji with negative connotations) came into use during the Edo Period when Christianity was a forbidden religion.

Portuguese ships began arriving in Japan in 1543,^[2] with Catholic missionary activities in Japan beginning in earnest around 1549, mainly by Portuguese-sponsored Jesuits until Spanish-sponsored mendicant orders, such as the Franciscans and Dominicans, gained access to Japan. No Western women came to Japan. Of the 95 Jesuits who worked in Japan up to 1600, 57 were Portuguese, 20 were Spaniards and 18 Italian.^[3] Francis Xavier,^[4][5] Cosme de Torres (a Jesuit priest), and João Fernandes were the first to arrive to Kagoshima with hopes to bring Christianity and Catholicism to Japan. At its height, Japan is estimated to have had around 300,000 Christians.^[6] Catholicism was subsequently repressed in several parts of the country and ceased to exist publicly in the 17th century.

History

Background

Line of demarcations between Portugal and Spain

Celebrating a Christian mass in Japan.

Religion was an integral part of the state and evangelization was seen as having both secular and spiritual benefits for both Portugal and Spain. Indeed, Pope Alexander VI's Bulls of Donation (1493) commanded the Catholic Monarchs to take such steps. Wherever Spain and Portugal attempted to expand their territories or influence, missionaries would soon follow. By the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), the two powers divided the world between them into exclusive spheres of influence, trade and colonization. Although, at the time of the demarcation, neither nation had any direct contact with Japan, that nation fell into the sphere of the Portuguese.

The countries disputed the allocation of Japan. Since neither could colonize it, the exclusive right to propagate Christianity in Japan meant the exclusive right to trade with Japan. Portuguese-sponsored Jesuits under Alessandro Valignano took the lead in proselytizing in Japan over the objection of the Spaniards, starting in 1579. The fait accompli was approved in Pope Gregory XIII's papal bull of 1575, which decided that Japan belonged to the Portuguese Diocese of Macau. In 1588, the diocese of Funai (Nagasaki) was founded under Portuguese protection.

In rivalry with the Jesuits, Spanish-sponsored mendicant orders entered into Japan via Manila. In addition to criticizing Jesuit activities, they actively lobbied the Pope. Their campaigns resulted in Pope Clement VIII's decree of 1600, which allowed Spanish friars to enter Japan via the Portuguese Indies, and Pope Paul V's decree of 1608, which abolished the restrictions on the route. The Portuguese accused Spanish Jesuits of working for their homeland instead of their religion. The power struggle between Jesuits and mendicant orders caused a schism within the diocese of Funai. Furthermore, mendicant orders tried in vain to establish a diocese on the Tōhoku region that was to be independent from the Portuguese one.

The Roman Catholic world order was challenged by the Netherlands and England. Its principle was repudiated by Grotius's Mare Liberum. In the early 17th century, Japan built trade relations with the Netherlands and England. Although England withdrew from the operations within ten years under James I due to a lack of profitability, the Netherlands continued to trade with Japan and became the only European country that maintained trade relations with Japan until the 19th century. As trade competitors, the Protestant countries engaged in a campaign against Catholicism, and this subsequently adversely affected shogunate policies toward the Iberian kingdoms.

Portugal's and Spain's colonial policies were also challenged by the Roman Catholic Church itself. The Vatican founded the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide in 1622 and attempted to separate the churches from the influence of the Iberian kingdoms. However, it was too late for Japan. The organization failed to establish staging points in Japan.

Propagation strategy

A Jesuit with a samurai, circa 1600.

The Jesuits believed that it was better to seek to influence people in power and then allow the religion to be passed downwards to the commoners later.^[7] They tried to avoid suspicion by not preaching to the commoners without permission from the local rulers to propagate Catholicism within their domains.^[7] As a result, several daimyō became Christians, soon to be followed by many of their subjects as the Dominicans and Augustinians were able to begin preaching to the commoners.^[7] After the edict banning Christianity, there were communities that kept practicing Catholicism without having any contact with the Church until missionaries were able to return much later.

When Xavier disembarked in Kagoshima, the principal chiefs of the two branches of the Shimazu family, Sanehisa and Katsuhisa, were warring for the sovereignty of their lands. Katsuhisa adopted Shimazu Takahisa who in 1542 was accepted as head of the clan having previously received the Portuguese merchants on Tanegashima Island, learning about the use of firearms. Later, he met Xavier himself at the castle of Uchiujijo and permitted the conversion of his vassals.

Kirishitan book in Japanese, 16th century.

Having a religious background, Takahisa showed himself to be benevolent and already allowed freedom of worship but not helping the missionaries nor favoring their church. Failing to find a way to the centre of affairs, the court of the Emperor, Xavier soon tired and left to Yamaguchi thus beginning the Yamaguchi period.^[8] Xavier stayed in Yamaguchi for two months on his way to an abortive audience with the Emperor in Kyoto. Yamaguchi was already a prosperous and refined city and its leaders, the Ōuchi family, were aware that Xavier's journey to Japan had begun after the completion of his mission in India.

They took Catholicism for some sort of new sect of Buddhism and were curious to know of the priest's doctrine. Tolerant but shrewd, their eyes less on baptism than the Portuguese cargoes from Macao, they granted the Jesuit permission to preach. The uncompromising Xavier took to the streets of the city denouncing, among other things, infanticide, idolatry and homosexuality.

Christian books were published in Japanese from the 1590s on, some with more than one thousand copies, and from 1601 a printing press was established under the supervision of Soin Goto Thomas, a citizen of Nagasaki, with thirty Japanese working full-time at the press. Liturgical calendars were also printed after 1592 until at least 1634. Christian solidarity made possible missionary mail delivery throughout the country until the end of the 1620s.^{[citation needed]}

Early Christian community

Netsuke depicting Christ, 17th century, Japan.

Different groups of laymen supported Christian life in the Japanese mission, e.g., dōjuku, kanbō and jihiyakusha helped the clergymen in activities like the celebration of Sunday liturgy in the absence of ordained clergy, religious education, preparation of confessions, and spiritual support of the sick. By the end of the 16th century kanbō and jihiyakusha had similar responsibilities and also organized funerals and baptized children with permission to baptize from Rome. The kanbō were those who had left secular life but not taken formal vows, while the jihiyakusha were married and had a profession.

These groups were fundamental to the mission, and themselves depended on both the ecclesiastical hierarchy as well as the warlords who controlled the lands where they lived. Therefore, the success of the Japanese mission cannot be explained only as the result of the action of a brilliant group of missionaries, or of the commercial and political interests of a few daimyōs and traders.

At the same time the missionaries faced the hostility of many other daimyōs. Christianity challenged Japanese civilization. A militant lay community, the main reason for missionary success in Japan, was also the main reason for the anti-Christian policy of the Tokugawa's bakufu.

Economic activities

The Jesuits in Japan had to maintain economic self-sufficiency because they could not expect stable and sufficient payment from their patron, the King of Portugal, but the king allowed the Jesuits to engage in trade with Japan. Such economic activity can be found in the work of Francis Xavier, the pioneer of Catholic missions in Japan, who covered the cost of missionary work through merchant trading. From the 1550s to the 1570s, the Jesuits covered all necessary expenses with trade profits and bought land in India.

Their officially recognized commercial activity was a fixed-amount entry into the Portuguese silk trade between Macau and Nagasaki. They financed to a certain amount the trade association in Macau, which purchased raw silk in Canton and sold it in Nagasaki. They did not confine their commercial activity to the official silk market but expanded into unauthorized markets. For the Macau-Nagasaki trade, they dealt in silk fabrics, gold, musk and other goods including military supplies and slavery. Sometimes, they even got involved in Spanish trade, prohibited by the kings of Spain and Portugal, and antagonizing the Portuguese traders.

It was mainly procurators who brokered Portuguese trade. They resided in Macau and Nagasaki, and accepted purchase commitments by Japanese customers such as the shogunate daimyō and wealthy merchants. By brokerage, the Jesuits could expect not only rebates but also favorable treatment from the authorities. For this reason, the office of procurator became an important post amongst the Jesuits in Japan. Although trade activities by the Jesuits ate into Portuguese trade interests, procurators continued their brokerage utilizing the authority of the Catholic Church. At the same time, Portuguese merchants required the assistance of procurators who were familiar with Japanese customs, since they established no permanent trading post in Japan. Probably the most notable procurator was João Rodrigues, who approached Toyotomi Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu and even participated in the administration of Nagasaki.

Such commercial activities were contrary to the idea of honorable poverty that the priests held. But some Jesuits at this time placed the expansion of the society's influence before this ideal. Mendicant orders fiercely accused the Jesuits of being corrupt and even considered their activity as the primary reason for Japan's ban on Catholicism. Mendicant orders themselves were not necessarily uninvolved in commercial activities.

Military activities

Japanese-Portuguese Bell Inscribed 1570, Nantoyōsō Collection, Japan

Missionaries were not reluctant to take military action if they considered it an effective way to Christianize Japan. They often associated military action against Japan with the conquest of China. They thought that well-trained Japanese soldiers who had experienced long civil wars would help their countries conquer China. For example, Alessandro Valignano said to the Philippine Governor that it was impossible to conquer Japan because the Japanese were very brave and always received military training but that Japan would benefit them when they would conquer China. Francisco Cabral also reported to the King of Spain that priests were able to send to China two or three thousand Japanese Christian soldiers who were brave and were expected to serve the king with little pay.

The Jesuits provided various kinds of support including military support to Kirishitan daimyōs when they were threatened by non-Kirishitan daimyōs. Most notable was their support of Ōmura Sumitada and Arima Harunobu, who fought against the anti-Catholic Ryuzoji clan. In the 1580s, Valignano believed in the effectiveness of military action and fortified Nagasaki and Mogi. In 1585, Gaspar Coelho asked the Spanish Philippines to send a fleet but the plan was rejected due to the shortness of its military capability. Christians Arima Harunobu and Paulo Okamoto were named as principals in an assassination plot to murder the magistrate in charge of the Shogunate's most important port city of Nagasaki.

Jesuit Leaders in Japan

Francisco Xavier (1549–1551), the mission’s founder, introduced Christianity in Kyushu, establishing its foundation. Cosme de Torres (1551–1570) led as de facto Superior, expanding the mission until his death. Francisco Cabral (1570–1581), as Superior, enforced rigid policies, causing cultural friction, and was dismissed by Alessandro Valignano in 1581. Gaspar Coelho (1581–1590) succeeded Cabral as Superior, managing relations with Japanese authorities until his death. Alessandro Valignano (1573–1606), appointed Visitor of the East Indies in 1573, held supreme authority over East Asia’s Jesuit missions, until his death in 1606. Visiting Japan three times (1579–1583, 1590–1592, 1598–1603), he championed cultural adaptation and founded St. Paul’s College in Macao (1594) to train Japanese clergy. ^[a]

The Rise of Nagasaki as a Port City

Establishment and Christian Influence

Nagasaki’s transformation into a significant port city in Japan began around 1570, driven by the arrival of Christianity and Portuguese trade. Initially an unpopulated promontory covered with wild thickets, Nagasaki was chosen by Jesuit missionaries, with support from the Christian daimyo Ōmura Sumitada (Don Bartolomeu), for its natural port advantages, including a narrow promontory that offered visual defense of the bay entrance.^[9] Sumitada, the first Japanese daimyo to convert to Catholicism, had previously invited Jesuits to settle in Yokoseura in the early 1560s, where a church was built and Portuguese ships visited in 1562 and 1563. However, Yokoseura’s destruction in 1563 by anti-Christian groups and rival merchants prompted the Jesuits to relocate to Nagasaki.^[10][11] Sumitada donated the land to establish a settlement for displaced Christians, many of whom were exiles fleeing religious persecution or wars,^[12] granting perpetual usage rights and extraterritorial privileges in return for securing permanent port customs and entry taxes, with designated officials stationed to oversee their collection.^[13]

Growth and Jesuit Strategy

By 1579, Nagasaki evolved from a village of 400 houses to a town of 5,000 by 1590, and 15,000 by the early 17th century, becoming a hub for Portuguese trade and Catholic activity with multiple parishes established to serve spiritual needs.^[14][9] Led by Alessandro Valignano, the Jesuits accepted Ōmura’s land donation to create a secure base for their mission and to support Portuguese trade. Valignano recognized Nagasaki’s strategic importance for aiding displaced Christians and funding missionary efforts.^[15] The donation was accepted cautiously, with conditions allowing the Jesuits to withdraw if necessary, reflecting the political instability in Japan and the non-binding nature of Japanese land donations, which could be revoked by lords or their successors.^[16]

The Nagasaki Misericórdia (almshouse) was formally instituted in 1583 through the election of officers and the establishment of a hospital.^[17] This charitable institution managed a secondary facility outside the city for leprosy patients, underscoring the profound impact of Christian practices in a Japan that lacked hospitals prior to Portuguese arrival. Jesuit Luis Fróis recorded that this facility served individuals considered “repugnant” by Japanese society.^[18] This endeavor exemplified the innovative introduction of Christian charitable principles, offering a novel framework for Japanese social welfare. Moreover, the establishment of an almshouse in Hirado as early as 1561, with officers actively collecting donations, attests to the early adoption of the Misericórdia system across Japan and the deep integration of Christian charitable ideals into local communities.^[19]

Japanese Servitude and Jesuit Perspectives

Slavery Before Portuguese Arrival

During the Sengoku period, Japanese Daimyos and merchants often sold off prisoners of battle into slavery. Portuguese sources, corroborated by Japanese texts like Koyo Gunkan and Hojo Godaiki, describe “the greatest cruelties” inflicted during conflicts such as the 1553 Battle of Kawanakajima and the 1578 Shimazu campaigns. Captives, particularly women, boys, and girls, faced violence, with communities in regions devastated.^[20] The inter-Asian slave trade, including wokou piracy, further intensified suffering, with Zheng Shungong’s 1556 report noting 200–300 Chinese slaves in Satsuma treated “like cattle” for labor, a fate shared by many Japanese.^[21][22][23]

The custom of geninka (下人化) encompassed practices resembling slavery^[b]. Individuals were exchanged for money, including children sold by parents, self-sold persons, those rescued from unjust execution, and debt-bound workers. Japanese rulers imposed geninka as punishment for serious crimes or rebellion, often extending it to the perpetrator’s wife and children.^[26] Women who fled their fathers or husbands to seek shelter in a lord’s house were sometimes transformed into genin by the lord. During famines or natural disasters, individuals offered themselves as genin in exchange for food, clothing, and shelter. Japanese lords also demanded that retainers relinquish their daughters to serve in their manors, treating them as genin. Additionally, the genin status could be hereditary, perpetuating bondage across generations.^[27][28][29]

Missionary Interventions and the 1567 Goa Council

The 1567 Goa Council advised missionaries to recommend the release of Japanese servants (下人) once their labor matched the compensation provided, particularly during famines or disasters when individuals offered labor for protection.^[30] The Council allowed Christians to ransom criminals sentenced to death unjustly, with the rescued serving as servants in return, since no one could be forced to provide funds without compensation.^[31] Jesuits also advised against enslaving the wives and children of punished criminals and supported freeing women who sought refuge from abusive fathers or husbands, except in cases of serious crimes, despite Japanese customs permitting their enslavement.^[32][26]

Japanese Slave System and Christian Critiques

In 1587, Japanese visitors to Manila confirmed that Japan’s slave system followed the Ritsuryō legal code, where children inherited their parents’ status, transferring ownership to masters.^[33] Bishop Cerqueira criticized heavy taxes by non-Christian lords that forced parents to sell children, highlighting that child sales occurred even outside extreme circumstances, which missionaries viewed as problematic.^[34]

The Portguese Slave Trade and Jesuit Efforts

Early Protests and Royal Decrees

In 1555, Portuguese merchants began enslaving Japanese individuals, prompting the Jesuit order to advocate for its cessation. Their efforts led to King Sebastian I of Portugal issuing a decree in 1571 banning the Japanese slave trade. However, enforcement was weak, and the trade persisted.^[35] During the transition from the 16th to the 17th century, under the Iberian Union, King Philip II (and later Philip III of Spain) reissued the 1571 decree at the Jesuits’ urging. Despite these royal mandates, local Portuguese elites fiercely opposed the bans, rendering them ineffective.^[36] The Jesuits, lacking the authority to enforce decrees, faced significant challenges in curbing the trade.

Jesuit Reforms and Humanitarian Compromises

Recognizing their limited power, the Jesuits sought to reform Japan’s system of perpetual slavery (永代人身売買) into indentured servitude (年季奉公).^[37][38] Some missionaries, driven by humanitarian concerns, signed short-term ownership certificates (schedulae) to prevent the greater harm of lifelong enslavement.^[39][40] This pragmatic approach, however, was controversial. By 1598, missionary participation in such practices was banned. Critics like Mateus de Couros condemned any involvement, even if motivated by compassion, highlighting the moral complexities of the Jesuits’ position.^[41]

Some Japanese chose servitude to travel to Macau or due to poverty, but many indentured servants in Macau broke contracts by fleeing to Ming territory, reducing Portuguese slave purchases.^[42] Poverty, driven by lords’ tax demands, led some to view slavery as a survival strategy, with peasants offering themselves or others as collateral for unpaid taxes, blurring the line between farmers and slaves.^[43]

Jesuit-established organizations, such as confraternities and the Nagasaki Misericórdia (almshouse), undertook efforts to rescue Japanese slaves, particularly women, from ships and brothels.^[44] The memoirs of Afonso de Lucena and letters of Luis Fróis concur regarding the treatment of captives during the Battle of Nagayo Castle in March 1587, reflecting Lucena’s concerns about their legitimacy. After Christmas 1586, Lucena urged Ōmura Sumitada, whose health was failing, to free unjustly held captives, leveraging the threat of withholding confession. The Jesuits strategically withheld confession or sacraments to compel moral conduct, especially among influential converts.^[45]

Moreover, bishops and their representatives condemned brothels and private prostitution as “workshops of the devil.” The fourth article of the Constitutions of Goa (1568) prohibited brothel ownership and operation, imposing fines and public shaming on violators, while mandating the liberation of slaves coerced into prostitution.^[46] Thus, the Jesuits endeavored to eradicate immoral practices like prostitution while advancing slave rescue and evangelization through conversion.

Adapting to Local Realities

Valignano, the Jesuit Visitor, consistently highlighted the Japanese Jesuits’ lack of authority and power to suppress the slave trade.^[47][48][49] In Portuguese India, Valignano and fellow Jesuits lacked jurisdiction to intervene in slave transactions, which were subject to secular courts. Priests were limited to providing ethical guidance, rendering the cessation of the practice unfeasible, and it persisted into the seventeenth century.^[50] In Japan, the Macao Diocese, established in 1568, oversaw Japan from 1576, but the absence of a resident bishop impeded the resolution of local issues. The Jesuits’ attempt to establish an independent diocese required explicit approval from Rome.^[51]

Given the limited impact of admonitions and recommendations, missionaries sought to navigate local social dynamics within the constraints of ecclesiastical law. They categorized labor into three forms: servitude equivalent to slavery, a tolerable non-slavery condition, and an unacceptable state.^[52] This distinction is believed to have led missionaries to reluctantly acquiesce to local customs.^[53] Furthermore, missionaries critical of the Portuguese slave trade in Japan, unable to directly prevent Portuguese merchants’ slave purchases due to insufficient authority, advocated for reframing Japan’s prevalent perpetual human trafficking as a form of indentured servitude (yearly contract labor) to align with local practices while mitigating the harshest aspects of exploitation.^[54][48][47]

The Jesuits, previously constrained by limited authority in Japan, experienced a pivotal shift with Pedro Martins’ consecration as bishop in 1592^[c] and his arrival in Nagasaki in 1596. As the first high-ranking cleric in Japan since Francisco Xavier, Martins acquired the authority to excommunicate Portuguese merchants engaged in the trade of Japanese and Korean slaves.^[55] However, the Jesuits’ dependence on financial support from the Captain-major and the bishop’s limited secular authority posed challenges. The Captain-major, as the supreme representative of Portuguese royal authority in Japan, held significant power; opposing him without royal endorsement made excommunication theoretically feasible but practically uncertain.^[56] Ultimately, Martins, alarmed by the social disruption caused by the trade in Japanese and Korean slaves, resolved to pronounce excommunication against human trafficking. After his death, Bishop Cerqueira reinforced this anti-slavery policy, referring the issue, which required secular authority, to the Portuguese crown.^[57] After 1598, Bishop Luís de Cerqueira intensified pressure on Spanish and Portuguese authorities to abolish temporary servitude of Japanese and Korean individuals,^[58] but the Portuguese slave trade reportedly grew.^[59][60]

The Jesuits’ efforts to combat the Japanese slave trade reflect a struggle between moral conviction and practical limitations. Despite securing royal decrees and attempting reforms, they faced resistance from Portuguese elites and the realities of Japan’s socio-political context. Their compromises, such as signing schedulae and tolerating certain forms of servitude, reveal the challenges of effecting change in a complex environment. While historian Ryōji Okamoto argues that the Jesuits should be absolved of blame due to their exhaustive efforts,^[35] their story underscores the difficulties of aligning humanitarian ideals with the constraints of power and local custom in the early modern world.

Christian Iconoclasm

Jesuit Opposition and Convert Zeal

The Jesuits, under leaders like Francisco Cabral and Alessandro Valignano, officially opposed the destruction of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines by Christian converts, deeming such acts counterproductive to their missionary goals.^[61] However, zealous converts, particularly in agricultural and fishing communities, viewed traditional institutions as complicit in feudal oppression, leading to violent iconoclasm in regions like Nagasaki and Kumamoto, where temples and shrines were destroyed.^[62] While the Jesuits prioritized converting the ruling class to gain influence, the fervor of lower-class converts often resulted in destructive acts, straining the mission’s relationship with Japanese authorities. Historians like Andre C. Ross note uncertainty about direct responsibility, but Jesuit leaders consistently advocated accommodation with Japanese customs to maintain the mission’s viability.^[61]

Evidence and Challenges in Historical Records

Luís Fróis’s História de Japam, a key source on Christian iconoclasm, is considered unreliable due to its tendency to compress events across years into brief accounts, making contemporary missionary letters a more trustworthy source.^[63] These letters document significant acts, such as the establishment of the Todos-os-Santos Church in 1569, built by Jesuit priest Gaspar Vilela using materials from a dismantled Buddhist temple donated by Nagasaki Jinzaemon Sumikage.^[64] This act symbolized the Christian mission’s impact on local religious landscapes, with reports of other destroyed religious sites, possibly small prayer spaces in fishing villages.^[d] The motives—whether missionary zeal, retaliations of converts escaping persecution,^[65] peasant uprisings, or daimyo's public safety and defense strategies—remain debated due to limited corroborating evidence. Missionary letters focus on Christian activities but lack local perspectives, while Japanese sources, written during the anti-Christian Tokugawa period, are biased and temporally distant.^[63] Notably, daimyo like Ōmura Sumitada, who sheltered Christians in 1569, often maintained a dual identity as both Christians and Buddhists, as evidenced by his tonsure in the Shingon Buddhist sect around 1574, reflecting a pluralist coexistence of faiths.^[66]

Christian Churches and Repurposed Spaces

Acquisition and Repurposing of Religious Sites

Churches in 16th-century Japan were often established through donations or purchases, frequently facilitated by Christian daimyo like Ōmura Sumitada. The instability of the Sengoku period and Oda Nobunaga’s attacks on religious institutions, such as the 1571 burning of Enryakuji,^[67] weakened many Buddhist temples, prompting monks to sell them to missionaries for survival.^[68] Jesuit missionaries, supported by local lords, repurposed non-sacred and abandoned spaces for Christian worship.^[69] For example, in 1555, Ōtomo Sōrin in Funai, Bungo, donated a field for a house with an integrated chapel and funded a large estate for a new church.^[70] In 1576, Arima Yoshisada provided a non-Christian temple, reused as a church without modifications. Churches were also established within castles, such as Ichiki Tsurumaru in Satsuma and Sawa in Yamato (modern Nara), linked to Takayama Tomoteru.^[71] Many of repurposed Buddhist temples were already abandoned due to the period’s instability, with local authorities’ permission and donations from Christian daimyo and Portuguese traders being essential for acquiring these sites.^[72]

Jesuit Management and Local Adaptation

During Alessandro Valignano’s tenure, most Catholic construction projects in Japan were overseen by Japanese lords, who were instrumental in expanding building efforts. Valignano advocated for respecting local architectural traditions and consulting native master builders, ensuring adaptability in construction. This approach allowed Japanese builders to maintain their organization, resources, and techniques throughout the first and second stages of evangelization, aligning Christian structures with local practices while supporting the mission’s growth.^[73]

Hostility and Misconceptions Surrounding Missionaries

Defamatory Rumors and Xenophobic Hostility

Social perceptions of missionaries in 16th-century Japan were shaped by vicious rumors that fueled widespread hostility. Fernão Guerreiro’s Jesuit Annual Report details relentless harassment, including acts like throwing corpses at priests’ doorways to spread claims that missionaries consumed human flesh, inciting hatred and disgust among locals.^[74] Other rumors alleged missionaries ate children or extracted eyeballs for sorcery,^[75][76] while Ōmura Yoshimi’s Kyushu Godōzaki claimed they skinned and ate livestock alive.^[77] Historian Akio Okada attributes these slanders to xenophobic fears, portraying foreigners, especially missionaries, as mystical agents of death and destruction.^[76] In 1553, rumors of missionary cannibalism surfaced in Bungo, prompting local lord Ōtomo Sōrin to issue an edict prohibiting people from throwing stones at missionary houses.^[78]

Persecution and Resistance to Christian Conversion

The conversion of Ōmura Sumitada, Japan’s first Christian daimyō, to Christianity in 1563, under the baptismal name Dom Bartolomeu, triggered intense opposition. Buddhist monks incited a rebellion that led to the burning of a monastery and the homes of Christian farmers at Yokoseura Port, reducing much of the port to ashes.^[79] In a 1564 letter, missionary Luis de Almeida reported that Arima Haruzumi ordered the destruction of Christian crosses in his domain and demanded that Christians revert to their former beliefs.^[80][81] The persecution escalated in 1573 when Fukahori Sumikata burned down the Todos os Santos Church, intensifying efforts to suppress the growing Christian influence in Japan.^[82][83]

Early policy toward Catholicism

The Japanese embassy of Itō Mancio, with Pope Gregory XIII in 1585

When the Jesuit priest Francis Xavier arrived, Japan was experiencing a nationwide civil war. Neither the emperor nor the Ashikaga shogun could exercise power over the nation. At first, Xavier planned to gain permission for building a mission from the emperor but was disappointed with the devastation of the imperial residence. The Jesuits approached daimyōs in southwestern Japan and succeeded in converting some of these daimyōs. One reason for their conversion may have been the Portuguese trade in which the Jesuits acted as brokers. The Jesuits recognized this and approached local rulers with offers of trade and exotic gifts.

The Jesuits attempted to expand their activity to Kyoto and the surrounding regions. In 1559, Gaspar Vilela obtained permission from Ashikaga Yoshiteru to teach Christianity. This license was the same as those given to Buddhist temples, so special treatment cannot be confirmed regarding the Jesuits. On the other hand, Emperor Ōgimachi issued edicts to ban Catholicism in 1565 and 1568. The orders of the Emperor and the Shogun made little difference.

Christians refer positively to Oda Nobunaga, who died in the middle of the unification of Japan. He favored the Jesuit missionary Luís Fróis and generally tolerated Christianity. But overall, he undertook no remarkable policies toward Catholicism. Actually, Catholic power in his domain was trivial because he did not conquer western Japan, where the Jesuits were based. By 1579, at the height of missionary activity, there were about 130,000 converts.^[84]

Toyotomi Hideyoshi and the Christian daimyōs

Letter from Duarte de Meneses, viceroy of Portuguese India, to daimyō Toyotomi Hideyoshi dated April 1588, concerning the suppression of Christians, a National Treasure of Japan^[85][86]

Buddhist statue with hidden crucifix on back, used by Christians in Japan to hide their real beliefs

The Virgin Mary disguised as Kannon, Kirishitan cult, 17th century Japan. Salle des Martyrs, Paris Foreign Missions Society.

The situation was changed when Toyotomi Hideyoshi reunified Japan. Once he became the ruler of Japan, Hideyoshi began to pay attention to external threats, particularly the expansion of European power in East Asia. The turning point for Catholic missions was the San Felipe incident, where in an attempt to recover his cargo, the Spanish captain of a shipwrecked trading vessel claimed that the missionaries were there to prepare Japan for conquest. These claims made Hideyoshi suspicious of the foreign religion.^[87] He attempted to curb Catholicism while maintaining good trading relations with Portugal and Spain, which might have provided military support to Dom Justo Takayama, a Christian daimyō in western Japan. Many daimyōs converted to Christianity in order to gain more favorable access to saltpeter, used to make gunpowder. Between 1553 and 1620, eighty-six daimyōs were officially baptized, and many more were sympathetic to the Christians.^[88]

Bateren Expulsion Edict

Main article: Bateren Edict

By 1587, Hideyoshi had become alarmed by reports that Christian lords oversaw forced conversions of retainers and commoners, that they had garrisoned the city of Nagasaki, that they participated in the slave trade of other Japanese and, apparently offending Hideyoshi's Buddhist sentiments, that they allowed the slaughter of horses and oxen for food.^[89] After his invasion of Kyushu, Hideyoshi Toyotomi promulgated the Purge Directive Order to the Jesuits (バテレン追放令, bateren tsuihō rei) on July 24, 1587. It consists of 11 articles: "No. 10. Do not sell Japanese people to the Nanban (Portuguese)."^{[citation needed]} Among the contents were a ban on missionaries.^[1] The Jesuits in Nagasaki considered armed resistance, but the plans did not come to fruition.^[1] Led by Coelho, they sought help from Kirishitan daimyōs, but the daimyōs refused. Then they called for a deployment of reinforcements from their homeland and its colonies, but this plan was abolished by Valignano. Like the Kirishitan daimyōs, he realized that a military campaign against Japan's powerful ruler would bring catastrophe to Catholicism in Japan. Valignano survived the crisis by laying all the blame on Coelho, and in 1590, the Jesuits decided to stop intervening in the struggles between the daimyōs and to disarm themselves. They only gave secret shipments of food and financial aid to Kirishitan daimyōs.

However, the 1587 decree was not particularly enforced.^[90] In contrast to the Jesuits, the Dominicans, Franciscans, and Augustinians were openly preaching to the common peoples; this caused Hideyoshi to become concerned that commoners with divided loyalties might lead to dangerous rebels like the Ikkō-ikki sect of earlier years;^[91] this led to Hideyoshi putting the 26 Martyrs of Japan followers to death in 1597 on his order.^[92] After Hideyoshi died in 1598, amidst the chaos of succession there was less of a focus on persecuting Christians.^[93]

Discussion on the Causes of the Bateren Expulsion Edict

The Bateren Edict, issued by Toyotomi Hideyoshi on June 19, 1587, was a decree ordering the expulsion of Christian missionaries (referred to as "bateren," from the Portuguese padre) from Japan. Promulgated during Hideyoshi’s campaign to unify Kyushu, the edict was a response to several perceived threats posed by Christianity.

Shinkoku and Religious Nativism

Hideyoshi declared Japan a divine nation (Shinkoku), arguing that Christian teachings were a pernicious doctrine incompatible with Japan’s syncretic religious traditions, which blended Shinto, Buddhism, and Confucianism.^[94] His push for deification after death likely fueled his religious nativism, as he might fear any obstacles to his own divinization as an absolute ruler. ^[95]

Military Strategy and Foreign Policy

The Bateren Edict, which expelled missionaries, banned missionary activities, and pressured Christian daimyo to abandon their faith, was a key part of Hideyoshi’s military and diplomatic strategy. This strategy, justified by his claimed divine right as the Child of the Sun, aimed at future conquests of the Philippines, India, and Europe, with missionaries and Christian daimyo seen as potential obstacles.^{[96][97][98][99][100]}

Toyotomi Hideyoshi, after consolidating power in Japan by 1585, harbored ambitions to expand Japanese influence abroad. In 1585, as Kampaku, Hideyoshi articulated ambitions to invade China to address resource shortages, later expanding to Korea, the Philippines, India.^[97] He claimed divine legitimacy, asserting that his mother dreamt she carried the Sun in her womb when he was born, an auspicious sign that he would "radiate virtue and rule the four seas"(Zoku Zenrin Kokuhoki).^[96] Hideyoshi’s vision included relocating the Japanese emperor to Beijing, appointing his nephew as regent of China, and establishing himself in Ningbo to oversee further conquests, including India, and Europe.^{[101][102][98][99]} These plans were driven by a desire for economic gain, territorial expansion, and recognition from foreign rulers, rather than purely military motives.^[103] The 1592 invasion of Korea, involving over 160,000 troops, was a step toward this goal but ultimately failed after six years, ending with Hideyoshi’s death in 1598.^[104][100]

Fears of a Japanese invasion of the Philippines were recorded as early as 1586, with Spanish authorities in Manila noting Japanese espionage activities and preparing defenses against potential attacks.^[105] Toyotomi Hideyoshi's 1586 request to Gaspar Coelho for Portuguese warships to aid his planned invasion of Ming China signaled his expansionist ambitions. ^{[98][99][102]} The Spanish, aware of these plans, grew wary of Japanese activities in the vulnerable Philippines colony, leading to a 1586 Manila council memorial documenting concerns about Japanese colonization and prompting defensive measures.^[105]

Portuguese Slave Trade and Meat Eating

The Jesuits established confraternities and the Nagasaki Misericórdia (almshouse), rescuing Japanese slaves, particularly women, from brothels and ships, and aiming to eradicate immoral practices through Christian evangelization.^[44] As part of these efforts, missionaries pressed Ōmura Sumitada to release unjustly held captives by leveraging the withholding of confession, promoting ethical conduct and highlighting criticism of the human trafficking practices tolerated in Japan.^[45] The fourth article of the Constitutions of Goa prohibited brothel operations, imposing penalties on violators and mandating the liberation of slaves coerced into prostitution, thereby demonstrating the Jesuits’ commitment to moral reform.^[46] These consistent efforts to improve slave treatment and rescue women stood in stark contrast to the widespread practice of slave trading in Japan at the time.^[106] Hideyoshi’s expulsion edict did not target Portuguese merchants, the primary agents of the slave trade, suggesting that the edict may have been a hypocritical pretext for expelling missionaries.

Following the Bateren Expulsion Edict, in 1589 (Tenshō 17), Toyotomi Hideyoshi ordered the establishment of the Yanagihara pleasure quarter in Kyoto.^{[107][108][109]} Regarded as Japan’s first pleasure quarter, this marked the formalization of the yūkaku system, yet it became a hotbed for human trafficking by procurers.^[110] According to the June 1597 records of Florentine traveler Francesco Carletti, who visited Japan, the conditions for women in Portuguese Macao and Nagasaki presented a stark contrast. In Macao, Chinese women were described as possessing “beautiful and refined features,” but strict restrictions prevented interactions with them.^[111] In contrast, in Hideyoshi-controlled Nagasaki, prostitution was openly practiced, and procurers offered women as commodities to arriving sailors, with human trafficking rampant.^[112] This suggests that Hideyoshi tacitly condoned domestic human trafficking, and the double standards or hypocritical attitude implied by this indicate that the expulsion edict’s motives were likely rooted in factors other than the slave trade itself.

The edict was partly motivated by the depletion of Kyushu’s labor force due to the Portuguese slave trade and meat eating, which Hideyoshi saw as detrimental to the local economy.^{[e][115][106]} Although an earlier memorandum included references to the slave trade, the final edict omitted these, focusing instead on religious and political issues.^[116] The total number of Japanese slaves purchased or contracted by the Portuguese after their arrival is estimated to range from hundreds to thousands,^[117] and the economic impact is believed to have been exaggerated beyond its actual extent.

His tolerance of abductions and enslavement during the Japanese invasions of Korea (1592–1598), driven by daimyo plundering for profit, reveals his complicity in human trafficking. While he criticized missionaries and European traders for enslaving Japanese people abroad, his own actions in Korea, which involved much more violent practices, highlight a moral contradiction noted by historians.^{[118][119][120]} His condemnation of Christianity lacked ethical consistency, as his primary concern was preventing Japan’s humiliation by foreign powers, not opposing slavery itself. Hideyoshi’s worldview justified this asymmetry: The expansion of Japan's cultural sphere through invasion and wartime atrocities such as the enslavement of non-Japanese were justified as necessary and honorable, while cultural and commercial frictions with foreign entities were regarded as unforgivable deviations or acts of aggression. The expulsion edict was likely influenced by an ethnocentric belief in Japan's divine superiority^[95][94] and the perceived inferiority of foreign cultures,^[76] suggesting a xenophobic bias and double standard in policy.

Political Threat

Ōmura Sumitada donated Nagasaki to the Jesuits for personal benefit, retaining control as the town and Jesuits remained loyal. He granted perpetual usage rights and extraterritorial privileges in return for securing permanent port customs and entry taxes, with designated officials stationed to oversee their collection.^[13] Suspicions that Christian daimyo were ceding control to foreign powers raised concerns about undermining Hideyoshi’s authority. If Sumitada suspected a Spanish takeover or fort, he would have reacted harshly, like Hideyoshi against the friars. Missionaries noted such an invasion was impossible, or the donation wouldn’t have happened.^[121] Ties with Portuguese traders fueled fears of foreign interference, though concerns of a Christian “fifth column” were exaggerated, as Portuguese Macau and Spanish Manila lacked the capacity to challenge Japan.^[122]

George Sansom notes that the teachings of Christianity challenged social hierarchies and existing political structures, analyzing the Bateren Edict as a visceral defensive reaction by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who, from the perspective of a dictator and autocrat, feared missionaries not merely as heretics but as a force undermining the foundation of social order.^[123] The Christian-influenced legal code in Nagasaki, blending Japanese customs with milder punishments and separating civil, criminal, ecclesiastical, and secular cases, implicitly challenged Hideyoshi’s absolute authority as a dictator by undermining his rigid control over Japan’s social-political order.^[124]

Iconoclasm

The destruction of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines by Christian converts, particularly in Kyushu, was cited as a grievance, though Hideyoshi’s own history of attacking Buddhist institutions suggests this was a pretext.^[67][125] The destructions were confined to specific territories and not a nationwide phenomenon. Jesuit leaders promoted restraint,^[61] allowing Christianity to coexist with hostile local religions in many areas. Hideyoshi exaggerated the political significance of limited temple and shrine destructions, portraying them as a national humiliation. Historically, such destruction was not widespread, and the narrative of its prevalence was amplified by Hideyoshi’s strategic biases.

The Jesuit Provincial Francisco Cabral and Visitor Alessandro Valignano, succeeding Cosme de Torres, officially opposed iconoclasm as counterproductive to missionary work.^[61] The existence of large-scale destruction following Valignano’s appointment as Visitor is questioned, and claims of widespread Jesuit-led iconoclasm lack evidence. Christian daimyo, such as Sumitada Ōmura, blended Christian and Buddhist identities, as seen in his 1574 tonsure in the Shingon sect.^[66] They likely permitted temple destruction for strategic purposes, not purely religious motives.

Nanban Trade

The edict banned Christian missionary work but welcomed trade with Christian domains to secure a trade monopoly and strengthen his power. Hideyoshi later seized Nagasaki, one of the Japan’s wealthiest trading port, along with Mogi and Urakami from the Ōmura and Arima clans, destroyed churches, and fined residents heavily. Historian Fujino Tamotsu notes that Hideyoshi made Nagasaki a directly controlled territory to monopolize its unparalleled trade profits.^[126]

Invasions of Korea and Thriving Slave Trade

Hideyoshi’s 1587 Bateren Edict, driven by economic concerns over labor depletion rather than moral objections,^[127] as historians like Maki Hidemasa and Romulo Ehalt noted,^[128][129] briefly curtailed slave trades.^[130] However, his 1597 second invasion of Korea actively endorsed the slave trade, transforming it into a major industry.^[131][132] Japanese slave traders captured approximately 50,000 to 60,000 Koreans as prisoners, with only 7,500 returning to Korea through postwar diplomatic efforts.^[133][134] Bishop Pedro Martins resolved to excommunicate Portuguese merchants involved in the trade of Japanese and Korean slaves, even for temporary servitude, a stance later strengthened by Bishop Cerqueira.^[135] Contemporary sources describe a “gruesome scenario” where Japanese merchants brought crowds of Korean prisoners to islands for sale to Portuguese merchants.^[136]

The Portuguese merchants, by conducting transactions on these islands, evaded the prohibition in Macau and the excommunication by Bishop Martins.^[132] While the Jesuits completely withdrew their desperate measure of regulating the slave trade of Portuguese merchants and made a strong statement that they would not relent in excommunicating merchants outside their jurisdiction^[137], Hideyoshi's policies encouraged the enslavement of Koreans, effectively nullifying the previous restrictions.^[135] The 1592 Dochirina Kirishitan emphasized redeeming captives as a Christian duty, rooted in Christ’s atonement, yet Jesuits lacked the authority to enforce the prohibition of slavery, as Valignano repeatedly argued.^[138][139] Since their arrival in Japan, the Portuguese are estimated to have traded hundreds to thousands of Japanese slaves.^[140] However, the number of Korean slaves brought to Japan significantly exceeded this figure.^[133]

San Felipe Incident

In 1596, the Spanish ship San Felipe ran aground in Japan, and its pilot, Francisco de Olandia, allegedly boasted about Spanish colonial ambitions, prompting Hideyoshi to execute 26 Christians in Nagasaki in 1597. No primary sources confirm Olandia’s testimony,^[141][142] and tensions between Portuguese Jesuits and Spanish Franciscans intensified, with each blaming the other for the martyrdoms.^[143] Concerns about a Christian 'fifth column' were overstated, as Portuguese Macau and Spanish Manila lacked the resources and influence to pose a significant threat to Japan. Whether Toyotomi Hideyoshi genuinely believed in these unrealistic threats remains a subject of academic debate.^[122]

According to Luis Frois’s History of Japan, before the 1587 Edict of Expulsion and prior to the San Felipe incident, Toyotomi Hideyoshi suspected that missionaries were conspiring to use Christian daimyo to conquer Japan, alleging they employed sophisticated knowledge and cunning methods to win over Japanese nobles and elites with a unity stronger than the Ikkō sect, aiming to occupy and conquer Japan.^[144] Frois’s account is not definitive history but reflects Jesuit perspectives on Hideyoshi’s suspicions. Historian Elisonas notes Hideyoshi’s skepticism toward Jesuit Coelho’s authoritative tone with daimyo.^[145] Spanish merchants alleged Jesuits, including Martins, Organtino, and Rodrigues, described Spaniards to Hideyoshi’s minister as pirates and the Spanish king as a tyrant, claims Rodrigues denied.^[146] These accusations and the Jesuits’ perception of Hideyoshi’s suspicions may have led the Jesuits to craft self-defensive narratives, a possibility that remains plausible.

Hideyoshi ordered the execution of 26 Christians in Nagasaki, known as the 26 Martyrs of Japan. Triggered by a lavish Franciscan church in Kyoto, seen as lèse-majesty, the initial target of 170 was reduced to 26. The Nanbanji temple was dismantled, but smaller churches remained, and no further major restrictions were imposed, indicating Hideyoshi’s focus was on authority, not eradicating Christianity, mirroring his approach to Buddhist institutions.^[147] The notion of a Christian fifth column lacks strong evidence, as the charge was specifically lèse-majesty, not a broader conspiratorial threat.

Expansion

A Japanese votive altar, Nanban style. End of the 16th century. Guimet Museum.

By the end of the 16th century, the Japanese mission had become the largest overseas Christian community that was not under the rule of a European power. Its uniqueness was emphasized by Alessandro Valignano since 1582, who promoted a deeper accommodation of Japanese culture. Japan was then the sole overseas country in which all members of those confraternities were locals, as was the case with Christian missions in Mexico, Peru, Brazil, the Philippines, or India, in spite of the presence of a colonial elite.^{[clarification needed]}

Most Japanese Christians lived in Kyushu, but Christianization was not a regional phenomenon and had a national impact. By the end of the 16th century it was possible to find baptized people in virtually every province of Japan, many of them organized in communities. On the eve of the Sekigahara battle, fifteen daimyōs were baptized, and their domains stretched from Hyūga in Southeast Kyushu to Dewa in North Honshū.^[148] Hundreds of churches had been built throughout Japan.

Accepted on a national scale, Christianity was also successful among different social groups from the poor to the rich, peasants, traders, sailors, warriors, or courtesans. Most of the daily activities of the Church were done by Japanese from the beginning, giving the Japanese Church a native face, and this was one of the reasons for its success. By 1590, there were seventy native brothers in Japan, fully one half of Jesuits in Japan, and fifteen percent of all Jesuits who were working in Asia.

In June 1592, Hideyoshi invaded Korea; among his leading generals was Christian daimyō Konishi Yukinaga.^[149] The actions of his forces in the massacre and enslavement of many of the Korean people were indistinguishable from the non-Christian Japanese forces that participated in the invasion.^[150] After Konishi's loss in the battle of Sekigahara, Konishi would base his refusal to commit seppuku on his Christian beliefs; instead of taking his own life, he chose capture and execution.^[151]

The 1592 war between Japan and Korea also provided Westerners with a rare opportunity to visit Korea. Under orders of Gomaz, the Jesuit Gregorious de Cespedes arrived in Korea with a Japanese monk for the purpose of administering to the Japanese troops. He stayed there for approximately 18 months, until April or May 1595, thus being on record as the first European missionary to visit the Korean peninsula, but was unable to make any inroads. The Annual Letters of Japan made a substantial contribution to the introduction of Korea to Europe, Francis Xavier having crossed paths with Korean envoys dispatched to Japan during 1550 and 1551.

The Japanese missions were economically self-sufficient. Nagasaki's misericórdias became rich and powerful institutions which every year received large donations. The brotherhood grew in numbers to over 100 by 1585 and 150 in 1609. Controlled by the elite of Nagasaki, and not by Portuguese, it had two hospitals (one for lepers) and a large church. By 1606, there already existed a feminine religious order called Miyako no Bikuni ("nuns of Kyoto") which accepted Korean converts such as Marina Pak, baptized in Nagasaki.^[148] Nagasaki was called "the Rome of Japan" and most of its inhabitants were Christians. By 1611, it had ten churches and was divided into eight parishes including a specifically Korean order.

Tokugawa response

Hasekura Tsunenaga converted to Catholicism in Madrid in 1615.

Following Toyotomi Hideyoshi's death in 1598, Tokugawa Ieyasu assumed power over Japan in 1600. Like Toyotomi Hideyoshi, he disliked Christian activities in Japan but gave priority to trade with Portugal and Spain. He secured Portuguese trade in 1600. He negotiated with Manila to establish trade with the Philippines. The trade promotion made his policies toward Catholicism inconsistent. At the same time, in an attempt to wrest control of the Japan trade from the Catholic countries, Dutch and English traders advised the Shogunate that Spain did indeed have territorial ambitions, and that Catholicism was Spain's principal means. The Dutch and English promised, in distinction, that they would limit themselves to trading and would not conduct missionary activities in Japan.

It seems that the Jesuits realized that the Tokugawa shogunate was much stronger and more stable than Toyotomi Hideyoshi's administration, yet the mendicant orders discussed military options relatively openly. In 1615, a Franciscan emissary of the Viceroy of New Spain asked the shogun for land to build a Spanish fortress and this deepened Japan's suspicion against Catholicism and the Iberian colonial powers behind it. The Jesuits and the Mendicant Orders kept a lasting rivalry over the Japanese mission and attached to different imperial strategies.

Early persecution

The Tokugawa shogunate finally decided to ban Catholicism. The statement on the "Expulsion of all missionaries from Japan", drafted by Zen monk Konchiin Suden (1563–1633) and issued in 1614 under the name of second shogun Hidetada (ruled 1605–1623), was considered the first official statement of a comprehensive control of Kirishitan.^[152] It claimed that the Christians were bringing disorder to Japanese society and that their followers "contravene governmental regulations, traduce Shinto, calumniate the True Law, destroy regulations, and corrupt goodness".^[153] It was fully implemented and canonized as one of the fundamental Tokugawan laws. In the same year, the bakufu required all subjects of all domains to register at their local Buddhist temple; this would become an annual requirement in 1666, cementing the Buddhist temples as an instrument of state control.^[154]

The immediate cause of the prohibition was the Okamoto Daihachi incident, a case of fraud involving Ieyasu's Catholic vavasor, but there were also other reasons behind it. The shogunate was concerned about a possible invasion by the Iberian colonial powers, which had previously occurred in the New World and the Philippines. Domestically, the ban was closely related to measures against the Toyotomi clan. The Buddhist ecclesiastical establishment was made responsible for verifying that a person was not a Christian through what became known as the "temple guarantee system" (terauke seido). By the 1630s, people were being required to produce a certificate of affiliation with a Buddhist temple as proof of religious orthodoxy, social acceptability and loyalty to the regime.

In the mid-17th century, the shogunate demanded the expulsion of all European missionaries and the execution of all converts.^[155] This marked the end of open Christianity in Japan. The bakufu erected bulletin boards nationwide at crossroads and bridges; among the many proscriptions listed on these boards were strict warnings against Christianity.^[156]

The systematic persecution beginning in 1614 faced stiff resistance from Christians, despite the departure of more than half the clergy. Once again, the main reason for this resistance was not the presence of a few priests but rather the self-organization of many communities. Forced to secrecy, and having a small number of clergymen working underground, the Japanese Church was able to recruit leadership from among lay members. Japanese children caused admiration among the Portuguese and seem to have participated actively in the resistance. Nagasaki remained a Christian city in the first decades of the 17th century and during the general persecutions other confraternities were founded in Shimabara, Kinai and Franciscans in Edo.

The Christian martyrs of the 1622 Great Genna Martyrdom. 17th-century Japanese painting.

Fumi-e to expose Christians by the Tokugawa Shogunate

The number of active Christians is estimated to have been around 200,000 in 1582.^[157] There were likely around 1,000 known martyrs during the missionary period. In contrast, Christians attach a great importance to martyrdom and persecution, noting that countless more people were dispossessed of their land and property leading to their subsequent death in poverty.

Fumi-e, a picture of Christ used to reveal practicing Christians

The Japanese government used fumi-e to reveal practicing Catholics and sympathizers. Fumi-e were pictures of the Virgin Mary or Christ. People reluctant to step on the pictures were identified as Christian and taken to Nagasaki. If they refused to renounce their religion, they were tortured; those who still refused were executed.

Later persecution

The Shimabara Rebellion, led by a young Christian man named Amakusa Shirō Tokisada, took place against the shogunate in 1637. The rebellion broke out over economic desperation and government oppression but later assumed a religious tone. About 27,000 people joined the uprising, but it was crushed by the shogunate after a sustained campaign. The reigning shogun, Tokugawa Iemitsu, who had issued the Sakoku Edict, restricting trade and effectively isolating Japan, two years earlier, came down hard on the Christians. Many Japanese were deported to Macau or to Spanish Philippines. Many Macanese and Japanese-Filipino Mestizos are the mixed-race descendants of the deported Japanese Catholics. About 400 were officially deported by the government to Macau and Manila, but thousands of Japanese were pressured into moving voluntarily. About 10,000 Macanese and 3,000 Japanese were moved to Manila.

The Catholic remnant in Japan were driven underground, and its members became known as the "Hidden Christians". Some priests remained in Japan illegally, including 18 Jesuits, seven Franciscans, seven Dominicans, one Augustinian, five seculars and an unknown number of Jesuit irmao and dojuku. Since this time corresponds to the Thirty Years' War between Catholics and Protestants in Germany, it is possible that the checking of Catholic power in Europe reduced the flow of funds to the Catholic missions in Japan, which could be why they failed at this time and not before. During the Edo period, the Kakure Kirishitans kept their faith. Biblical phrases or prayers were transferred orally from parent to child, and secret posts (mizukata) were assigned in their underground community to baptize their children, all while regional governments continuously operated fumi-e to expose Christians.

Edo Shogunate's Anti-Christian Policies and Their Impact on Europeans

The Edo Shogunate enforced a stringent ban on Christianity that extended beyond the Roman Catholic Church, affecting Protestant Europeans, particularly the Dutch, and later the English, in Japan. The Shogunate viewed Protestant and Catholic doctrines as essentially identical, dismissing denominational differences as irrelevant. Consequently, the Dutch, despite being Protestant, were labeled as "Kirishitan" (Christians) and subjected to severe restrictions due to their faith.^[158]

In 1639, the Dutch warehouse in Hirado was demolished because it bore the Christian year 1639 (anno Domini), which violated the Shogunate's anti-Christian edict.^[159] Concurrently, a Dutch cemetery was desecrated, with graves excavated and bodies thrown into the sea, demonstrating the Shogunate's aggressive stance against Christian symbols.^[160] In 1654, Gabriel Happart, a Dutchman, petitioned for land burials in Nagasaki. The request was granted, but only on the condition that burials adhere to Japanese customs, explicitly prohibiting Christian funeral rites or ceremonies.^{[161][162][163]}

The Shogunate's suspicion of Christianity shaped its treatment of the Dutch, who were confined to the artificial island of Dejima in Nagasaki. Dutch records indicate that Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu considered their religion akin to that of the Portuguese Catholics, a perception that contributed to their isolation on Dejima.^[158][164] This confinement was part of a broader strategy to suppress Christianity, which the Shogunate viewed as a threat to its authority and societal order.

In 1673, the English ship Return arrived in Japan seeking to reestablish trade. However, the Shogunate, wary of the English adherence to the anti-Christian ban, rejected their request.^[165] This decision reflects the Shogunate's deep-seated distrust of European powers associated with Christianity, regardless of their specific intentions.

Engelbert Kaempfer, a German physician who lived in Dejima during the 1690s, detailed the oppressive conditions endured by the Dutch. They faced various humiliations and were strictly prohibited from invoking the name of Christ, singing religious hymns, praying publicly, celebrating Christian holidays, or carrying crosses.^[166] These restrictions forced the Dutch to completely suppress their religious practices while in Japan, highlighting the Shogunate's rigorous enforcement of its anti-Christian policies.

The Edo Shogunate's comprehensive ban on Christianity profoundly shaped its interactions with Europeans. The Dutch and English faced severe restrictions, humiliations, and isolation, as the Shogunate sought to eradicate Christian influence, affecting not only religious practices but also cultural and commercial relations in Japan.

Kirishitan migration to New Spain

During the early 17th century, Kirishitan fleeing religious persecution under the Tokugawa Shogunate migrated to New Spain, encompassing present-day Mexico and the Philippines. These migrants, primarily merchants and religious refugees, achieved notable success in commerce, academia, and religious spheres, integrating into the colonial society while retaining distinct cultural identities. ^[167][168]

Kirishitan sought refuge in New Spain to escape persecution in Japan.^[169] In the Philippines, an estimated 1,500 to 3,000 Japanese resided during the early 17th century, predominantly as merchants, with a significant portion being Kirishitan.^[170] In Mexico City, records document 82 Japanese immigrants between 1610 and 1614, with 19 arriving in 1610 and 63 in 1614.^[171] Legally, Japanese and other East Asians were classified as "Indios" (indigenous), aligning their status with native populations.^[172]

Several Japanese immigrants achieved remarkable economic success in New Spain, particularly in Guadalajara, the capital of Nueva Galicia. Juan de Páez, who migrated in the 1620s, established a successful trade in distilled spirits such as vino de cocos and mezcal. By 1650, he owned a store, and by 1653, he ranked among Guadalajara’s top 20 wealthiest individuals, as evidenced by his designation as "albacea, heredero y tenedor de bienes." From 1657 to 1661, he served as "mayordomo y administrador de los propios y rentas de la catedral," managing cathedral finances. Upon his death in 1675, Páez left a substantial fortune valued at tens of thousands of pesos and was buried in a prestigious cathedral plot alongside local elites.^[173][174]

Similarly, the household of Margarita de Encío, widow of Japanese immigrant Luis de Encío, exemplified prosperity. A 1679 census recorded her household employing ten mestizo and four Black servants, a figure surpassed by only two other merchant households, underscoring the Encío family’s affluence.^[175][176]

Kirishitan also made significant contributions in academic and religious domains. Luis de Sasanda, son of the martyred Miguel de Sasanda (1613), was permitted to join a religious order, likely facilitated by his father’s martyrdom.^[177][178] Manuel de Santa Fe, a Japanese descendant, graduated from the philosophy faculty and enrolled in the medical faculty in 1674, demonstrating intellectual integration. Fray Gaspar de San Agustín, an Augustinian superior in the early 18th century, praised Kirishitan as "Asian Spaniards," distinguishing them for their cultural refinement.^[179]

Kirishitan samurai enjoyed unique privileges in New Spain, reflecting their elevated social status. The practice of carrying swords, a marker of social distinction in Europe,^[180] was extended to Japanese samurai. Juan de la Barranca, a Kirishitan samurai, was granted the right to bear arms and tax exemptions, with godparents selected from New Spain’s upper class, indicating elite connections.^[181] Similarly, Francisco de Calderas and his sons in Oaxaca received sword-bearing privileges in 1644.^[182] Kirishitan soldiers in Veracruz were also permitted to carry swords, further highlighting their privileged status among the "Chinos" (a term applied to East Asians).^[181]

Rediscovery and return

Japan was forced to open to foreign interaction by Matthew Perry in 1853. It became possible for foreigners to live in Japan with the Harris Treaty in 1858. Many Christian clergymen were sent from Catholic, Protestant and Orthodox churches, though proselytizing was still banned. In 1865, some of the Japanese who lived in Urakami village near Nagasaki visited the new Ōura Church which had been built by the Paris Foreign Missions Society (Missions étrangères de Paris) barely a month before. A female member of the group spoke to a French priest, Bernard Petitjean, and confessed that their families had kept the Kirishitan faith. Those Kirishitan wanted to see the statue of St. Mary with their own eyes, and to confirm that the priest was single and truly came from the pope in Rome. After this interview, many Kirishitan thronged toward Petitjean. He investigated their underground organizations and discovered that they had kept the rite of baptism and the liturgical years without European priests for nearly 250 years. Petitjean's report surprised the Christian world; Pope Pius IX called it a miracle.

The Edo Shogunate's edicts banning Christianity were still on the books, however, and thus the religion continued to be persecuted up to 1867, the last year of its rule. Robert Bruce Van Valkenburgh, the American minister-resident in Japan, privately complained of this persecution to the Nagasaki magistrates, though little action was taken to stop it. The succeeding government under Emperor Meiji, who took over from the Tokugawa shogunate in 1868, initially continued in this vein and several thousand people were exiled (Urakami Yoban Kuzure). After Europe and the U.S. began to vocally criticize the persecution, the Japanese government realized that it needed to lift the ban in order to attain its interests. In 1873 the ban was lifted. Numerous exiles returned and began construction of the Urakami Cathedral, which was completed in 1895.

It was later revealed that tens of thousands of Kirishitan still survived in some regions near Nagasaki. Some officially returned to the Roman Catholic Church. Others remained apart from the Catholic Church and have stayed as Kakure Kirishitan, retaining their own traditional beliefs and their descendants asserting that they keep their ancestors' religion.^[183] However, it became difficult for them to keep their community and rituals, so they have converted to Buddhism or Shinto eventually.^[184] When John Paul II visited Nagasaki in 1981, he baptized some young people from Kakure Kirishitan families, a rare occurrence.^[185]

Kirishitan depictions from sakoku to the 19th Century

In Conquering Demons (2013), historian Leuchtenberger explores the evolving portrayal of Kirishitan (Japanese Christians) within the context of Japan’s national identity during the sakoku (isolation) period through the 19th century.^[186] By analyzing texts such as Bateren-ki (Records of the Padres), Kirishitan Monogatari (Tales of the Christians), and Kirishitan Shumon Raicho Jikki (True Record of the Arrival of the Christian Sect), Leuchtenberger reveals how, following the expulsion of Christians from Japan in the early 17th century, a fabricated pseudo-history emerged. This narrative falsely depicted Kirishitan as orchestrating a conquest of Japan, serving to vilify them and justify their eradication.^[187]

Leuchtenberger posits that Kirishitan became a constructed concept symbolizing Japan’s first significant encounter with the West, encapsulating persistent anxieties about Western influence and Japan’s position in the global order.^[186] They were stereotyped as grotesque and sinister deceivers whose primary aim was to invade and exploit foreign nations for personal gain, a portrayal that dehumanized them and reinforced their exclusion from Japanese society.^[186]

The Kirishitan Shumon Raicho Jikki emphasizes Japan’s identity as a divine nation (shinkoku), narrating stories of repelling barbaric invaders to underscore Japan’s military, cultural, and religious superiority.^[188] These widely circulated texts fostered a national identity rooted in the belief that Japan was uniquely resilient and morally superior to foreign powers, shaping a collective self-image of exceptionalism.^[188]

From the 18th to 19th centuries, Kirishitan depictions transformed into exaggerated, fantastical figures akin to villains in medieval Japanese folktales. Portrayed as both barbaric and proximate others, they were simultaneously alien yet familiar, serving as a foil to construct a narrative of a sacred, civilized Japan.^[189] This imagery addressed Japan’s insecurities about its global standing and contributed to a discourse that sanctified the nation, reinforcing its cultural and religious exceptionalism. By framing Kirishitan as a threatening yet defeated enemy, these narratives solidified Japan’s self-perception as a divinely protected, superior civilization, deeply influencing its national identity during this period.^[190]

Kirishitan depictions in fiction and popular culture

Novels and literature

Literary scholar Rebecca Suter, in Holy Ghosts: The Christian Century in Modern Japanese Fiction (2015), examines modern Japanese perspectives on Kirishitan (Japanese Christians). Suter notes that Kirishitan are often used to express two dominant emotions in Japanese discourse: fear and hatred of foreigners.^[191] From the 1960s to the mid-1990s, Kirishitan in novels shifted from cultural curiosities to symbols of danger and evil, consistently portrayed as negative figures subjected to relentless demonization.^[191] Suter connects this to Nihonjinron (theories of Japanese identity), which emphasize Japan’s exceptionalism, cultural homogeneity, and fundamental difference from other ethnic groups, unchanged since antiquity.^[192] In this framework, Japan is depicted as superior to the West, with Kirishitan and Christianity serving as stereotypes to reinforce this narrative.^[193]

Manga and light novels

In popular culture like manga, Kirishitan are employed to bolster conservative ideologies and Japanese identity, symbolizing an external threat that delineates boundaries between “inside” and “outside” Japan.^[194] Post-bubble economy, Kirishitan and Christians in manga evoke fear of foreigners to reinforce national unity and identity. Conservative rhetoric continues to exploit their historical role as symbolic enemies, a pattern increasingly amplified in popular media.^[194] Despite Christianity being a marginal minority in modern Japan,^[195] Kirishitan are stereotyped as formidable outsiders, serving as a narrative trope defeated by protagonists to affirm Japanese superiority. Their significance as embodiments of moral panic in Japanese pop culture and politics remains as potent in the 21st century as in the 17th century.^[194]

Christian view of Kirishitan history

Those who participated in the Shimabara Rebellion are not considered to be martyrs by the Catholic Church since they took up arms for materialistic reasons.

Drawn from the oral histories of Japanese Catholic communities, Shūsaku Endō's novel Silence provides detailed portrayals of the persecution of Christian communities and the suppression of the Church. The novel has two film adaptations, in 1971 and in 2016.

Enduring legacy of anti-Christian propaganda

In modern Japan, Christianity faces a legacy of hostility rooted in ethnocentric and anti-Christian cultural biases. Historical campaigns—particularly those targeting Catholicism and the Jesuit order—were driven by a range of political, ideological, religious and social interests. These efforts frequently portrayed Jesuits as malicious agents, attributing to them exaggerated or implausible accusations. Such claims reflect a broader, fanatical attempt to vilify Christian missionaries as foreign outsiders, leveraging ethnocentric sentiments to undermine Christianity's presence in Japan.^[196]

Kirishitan grave in Minamishimabara

A gravestone was discovered in Nishiarie-machi, Minamishimabara, Nagasaki in 1929. It is located in a seaside communal cemetery on the southern coast of the Shimabara Peninsula, overlooking Amakusa Sea to the south. It is a semi-cylindrical kamaboko shape with a total length of 1.21 meters, width of 0.56 meters, and height of 0.39 meters, made of sandstone from Amakusa, commonly known as "Amakusa stone". A cross is engraved on the top and front of the monument, and the back is engraved in Roman letters with the words "Hiri (Hori) Sakuemon Diego, 83 years old since birth, October 16, 1610, Keicho 15," making it the oldest inscription in Roman letters in Japan. Of the approximately known 150 Kirishitan gravestones in Japan, about 130 are on the Shimabara Peninsula, but after the Shimabara Rebellion, Shugendō became popular among the people who migrated to the peninsula, and many of the Kirishitan gravestones were spared destruction as they were believed by the newcomers to be graves of early mountain priests.^[197] The tombstone is now protected by a glass-walled structure, and was designated a National Historic Site for its importance in understanding the state of Christian missionary work in the early Edo period.^[198]

Notable Kirishitans

Kirishitan daimyōs

• Ōmura Sumitada, first Christian feudal lord (1533–1587)
• Ōmura Yoshiaki (1568–1615)
• Arima Harunobu, Christian name Dom Protasio, Lord of Shimabara (1567–1612)
• Arima Naozumi (1586–1641)
• Kuroda Yoshitaka, Dom Simeao, a chief strategist of Hideyoshi's (1546–1604)
• Kuroda Nagamasa (黒田 長政, December 3, 1568 – August 29, 1623)
• Konishi Yukinaga, Dom Agostinho, chief member of Hideyoshi's field staff (1555–1600)
• Dom Justo Takayama Ukon, daimyō of Akashi, chosen life of exile in Manila, Philippines (1552–1615)
• Gamō Ujisato (1556–1595)
• Ōtomo Sōrin (大友 宗麟) (1530–1587), also known as Fujiwara no Yoshishige (藤原 義鎮) and Ōtomo Yoshishige (大友 義鎮). Christian name Dom Francisco; referred to as the "King of Bungo" by the Jesuits
• Ōtomo Yoshimune (大友 義統), Constantino
• Ōtomo Chikaie (大友 親家), Dom Sebastin (1561–1641)
• Ōtomo Chikamori (大友 親盛)
• Oda Hidenobu, Christian name Peter (1580–1605)
• Tsugaru Nobuhira (1586–1631)

Other

• Twenty-six Martyrs of Japan
• Paulo Miki (1563–1596)
• Amano Motonobu
• Petro Kasui Kibe (1587–1639)
• Itō Mancio (伊東マンショ Itō Mansho),　伊東祐益 (1570–1612)
• Julião Nakaura (中浦ジュリアン Nakaura Jurian)
• Martinão Hara (原マルチノ Hara Maruchino)
• Miguel Chijiwa (千々石ミゲル Chijiwa Migeru)
• Akashi Takenori
• Leonardo Kimura (1575-1619)
• Hasekura Tsunenaga (支倉常長)
• Murayama Tōan "Antonio" (村山等安) (d.1619)
• Naitō Joan
• Gohime "Monica" (Bizen no Gomoji), Hideyoshi's daughter (1574–1634)
• Hosokawa Gracia
• Kyōgoku Maria
• Amakusa Shirō
• Julia Ota
• Naitō Julia

See also

• Japan portal
• Catholicism portal

• History of the Catholic Church in Japan
• Bateren Edict
• Folk Catholicism
• Japanese words of Portuguese origin
• List of Westerners who visited Japan before 1868
• Martyrs of Japan
• Nanban trade period
• Nippo Jisho
• Roman Catholicism in Japan
• Suwa Shrine (Nagasaki)

Notes

1. His authority as Visitor, outranking Superiors, was evident in his dismissal of Cabral.
2. Genin (下人) were low-status, often hereditary servants in medieval Japan, employed in agricultural or household labor. Known as fudai no genin (譜代の下人, hereditary servants) or similar terms, they were subject to customary practices allowing their sale.^[24][25]
3. Pedro Martins is considered to be the first bishop to reside in Japan. Sebastian de Morais was appointed as the first bishop of the Funai Diocese in 1588, but he died of illness during his voyage to Japan.
4. As missionary records do not mention the shrines in Nagasaki noted in Japanese sources, those shrines could have been abandoned or deteriorated due to natural exposure before the port town’s establishment.
5. Historian Rômulo da Silva Ehalt argues that human trafficking predated Portuguese arrival in Japan and was widely known across the archipelago, challenging Okamoto Yoshitomo's claim that Hideyoshi, enraged by discovering the slave trade, issued the Bateren Expulsion Order out of moral outrage.^[106] Instead, Hideyoshi's interrogatory reveals his primary concerns were economic, such as labor shortages in Kyushu and the influence of Jesuit missionaries, rather than ethical issues. Hideyoshi ordered the return of displaced people—whether trafficked, kidnapped, or voluntarily fled—to their fiefs to stabilize agricultural production, a policy applied nationwide, not just in Kyushu.^[113] He also expressed concerns about meat consumption depleting livestock essential for agriculture and war, offering to build a facility for foreigners to consume hunted animals if missionaries couldn't abstain from meat. These actions reflect Hideyoshi’s focus on consolidating control and ensuring economic stability.^[114]