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Tughril I

Sultan of the Seljuk Empire from 1037 to 1063 From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tughril I
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Abu Talib Muhammad Tughril ibn Mika'il (Persian: ابوطالبْ محمد طغرل بن میکائیل), better known as Tughril (طغرل / طغریل; also spelled Toghril / Tughrul), was a Turkoman[5][6] chieftain, who founded the Seljuk Empire, ruling from 1037 to 1063.

Quick Facts Sultan of the Seljuk Empire, Reign ...

Tughril united many Turkoman warriors of the Central Asian steppes into a confederacy of tribes and led them in conquest of Khorasan and eastern Persia. He would later establish the Seljuk Sultanate after conquering Persia and taking the Abbasid capital of Baghdad from the Buyids in 1055. Tughril relegated the Abbasid Caliphs to state figureheads and took command of the caliphate's armies in military offensives against the Byzantine Empire and the Fatimids in an effort to expand his empire's borders and unite the Islamic world.

Before the advent of the Seljuks, Persia was divided between several warring local powers, such as the Buyids, Kakuyids and Ghaznavids. As a result, it suffered from continuous war and destruction. However, under Tughril peace and prosperity were brought to the country and to Mesopotamia, a transition that was further reinforced due to the Seljuks' assimilation to Iranian-Muslim culture.[7]

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Name

"Tughril" was the Old Turkic word for a bird of prey, possibly the Crested goshawk. In early Turkic history and culture, starting from the Uyghur Khaganate and onwards, it was used as a personal name.[8]

Early life

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Tughril was born in c.993,[9] most likely in the Central Asian steppes, where nomadic Oghuz Turks were roaming to find pasture for livestock. After the death of his father Mikail, Tughril and his brother Chaghri were reportedly raised by their grandfather Seljuk (the eponymous founder of the Seljuks) in Jand. It was seemingly during this period that the Seljuk family converted to Islam, at least nominally.[10] In the following decades, the Seljuks were employed as mercenaries under the warring factions of Transoxiana and Khwarazm, in exchange for pasture for their herds.[11]

In the 1020s, Tughril and his other relatives were serving the Kara-Khanids of Bukhara. In 1026, the Kara-Khanids were driven out of Bukhara by the Ghaznavid Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni. Seljuk's son Arslan Isra'il fled to a place near Sarakhs, where he asked Mahmud for permission to settle in the area in return for military aid. Mahmud, however, had Arslan Isra'il put in prison, where the latter soon died. Meanwhile, Tughril and Chaghri remained loyal to their Kara-Khanid overlords, although there were disputes between them in 1029; in 1032, they fought alongside the Kara-Khanids at the Battle of Dabusiyya.

After the Kara-Khanid ruler Ali-Tegin's death, however, the Seljuks changed their allegiance to the ruler of Khwarazm, Harun,[12] but were repelled by the Oghuz ruler Shah Malik in 1035. The Seljuks then went to the same place as Arslan Isra'il, and asked the son of Mahmud, Mas'ud I, for asylum. Mas'ud, however, considered the nomadic Turks to be dangerous and sent an army under his commander-in-chief Begtoghdi. The army was shortly defeated by the Seljuks, who forced Mas'ud to surrender Nasa, Farava and Dihistan in return for Seljuk recognition of Ghaznavid authority and protection of the region from other Turkic tribes.[13]

In 1037, the Seljuks also forced the Ghaznavids to cede them Sarakhs, Abivard and Marw. The Seljuks then slowly began to subdue the cities of Khorasan, and, when they captured Nishapur, Tughril proclaimed himself Sultan of Khorasan.

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The Political and Military History of the Seljuk Turks

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The political and military history of the Seljuk dynasty began in the second half of the 4th century AH (late 9th and early 10th centuries CE) with Seljuk’s involvement in political and military conflicts that took place in the northeastern regions of the Caspian Sea and northern Transoxiana.[14][15]

Following Seljuk, his sons—Israel, Musa Yabghu, and Mikail—as well as Mikail’s sons, Tughril Beg and Chaghri Beg, participated in the ongoing conflicts in the regions of Transoxiana and Khwarezm.[14] They entered the service of various rulers, primarily the Samanids, in return for guarantees of access to pasturelands for their livestock and even resisted other Turkic groups.[16][17][18][19] Toward the end of the Samanid period, some Turks initially assisted the Samanids in combating other Turks and defeated their enemies. However, they later departed from the Samanids and turned against them. The role of the Seljuk family and other Turks or Oghuz in this matter is debated; while some sources accuse the Seljuks, others exonerate them. After the fall of the Samanids, the Seljuks became subject to the Qarakhanids, continued their nomadic lifestyle under their service, and gradually consolidated their power. The Seljuk dynasty collaborated with the Qarakhanid ruler Ali Tigin and supported him in capturing Bukhara in 1020. Later, one of the Seljuks married Ali Tigin’s daughter and, through this marriage, gained a special status within Ali Tigin’s domain.[20][14][21][22][23][24]

Meanwhile, Mahmud of Ghazni took advantage of the unrest in Qarakhanid territories and, under the pretext of rescuing those suffering under Ali Tigin’s oppression, launched a campaign into Transoxiana. In reality, he aimed to establish control over Bukhara and Samarkand. With Mahmud’s arrival in the region, Ali Tigin fled to the desert, and his ally Israel Seljukoghlu went into hiding.[25][18][22][14]

According to different accounts, Israel was captured after Mahmud discovered his hiding place, sent to Ghazni, and later to India, where he remained until his death. Another version states that Mahmud invited one of the Seljuks to his court, and Israel, as the senior member of the family, accepted the invitation. At first, Mahmud treated him warmly and respectfully, but later, fearing the growing power of the Seljuks and their numerous soldiers, he arrested him along with his followers and imprisoned him in a fortress in India, where Israel died.[26][27][22][28]

To prevent a Seljuk uprising, Mahmud of Ghazni portrayed this incident as accidental and temporary. Initially, the Seljuks considered revolting against Mahmud, but upon receiving his message and recognizing his strength, they abandoned this plan.[29]

The Seljuks’ Entry into Khorasan and Seizure of Power

The Seljuk Turks requested permission from Sultan Mahmud of Ghazni to settle in Khorasan and benefit from its natural resources. In their current location, the scarcity of pastures and the oppression of various regional rulers had created difficult conditions for them. Confident in his powerful army and convinced that the death of Seljuk leaders would disperse their forces, Sultan Mahmud ignored the warnings of his advisors and allowed the Turcomans to enter Khorasan.[30] Following this permission, they crossed the Jayhun (Amu Darya) River and settled in the deserts around Sarakhs, Farava, and Bavard.[27] According to another account, they were located between Nisa and Abivard.[30][22]

The most vocal opponent of this decision was Arslan Jazib, the governor of Tus. He openly objected to the Sultan’s decision. However, Mahmud dismissed his concerns, labeling him "harsh." Some sources suggest that the Turcomans’ reliability as a military force and the revenues generated from their presence in Khorasan influenced Mahmud’s decision. The Turcomans settled in Khorasan and benefited from the region’s vast pastures and rich resources. However, they soon began looting and revolting. The people complained to Sultan Mahmud about their actions. The Sultan ordered Arslan Jazib to suppress them, but Arslan failed to manage the situation, and the Sultan reprimanded him severely. Arslan requested the Sultan to come personally to Khorasan, and in 419 AH (1028/1029), the Sultan set out for the city of Tus in great anger. After meeting with Arslan and receiving a report on the situation, the Sultan gave him a large army to defeat the Seljuks. In a battle near Rabat, close to Farava, Arslan inflicted a heavy defeat on the Turcomans. Many were killed, others were captured, and the rest fled to Balkh and Dihistan (regions located in the south and west of Khwarezm).[21][22]

Despite this severe defeat, the Turcomans were not completely destroyed and began to wait for an opportunity to return to Khorasan.[31] After Sultan Mahmud’s death, the Seljuks corresponded with Sultan Masud in the hope of returning to Khorasan and, after agreeing to certain conditions, re-entered the region. However, they soon resumed their plundering and attacks. One of the key factors in the Seljuks’ rise was Sultan Masud’s failure to properly assess their threat and his excessive focus on India. This ultimately led to Sultan Masud’s devastating defeat and death. The Seljuk Turks engaged Sultan Masud and his representatives in several battles across Khorasan and defeated them each time.[32][33]

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Reign

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Tughrul tower in the city of Rey, modern Iran.

The rise of Toghrul and the clash with Masʽud I

The first appearance of Tughril in the political history of the Seljuks is linked to a letter addressed to Abu al-Fadl Suri, written jointly by him, Yabghu, and Dawud. In this letter, they requested mediation for resolving the issues with Sultan Mas'ud and described their dire situation, expressing their readiness to send one of their leaders as a hostage in return for being granted control over the regions of Nisa and Farava.[34] Additionally, they pledged to prevent raids by Turcomans from Iraq and Khwarezm and to suppress revolts around Mount Balkhan, Dehistan, and the vicinity of the Jayhun River. Following this correspondence, Sultan Mas'ud rejected the Seljuks’ request, leading to a military confrontation near Nisa in the year 426 AH (1034 CE), which marked a significant turning point for the Seljuks. After these battles, the city came under Tughril’s control.[35] Some sources note that these events coincided with the conquests of Nishapur and Sarakhs by Tughril and Chaghri Beg.[36] In 1037, another battle occurred between the Seljuk and Ghaznavid forces near Sarakhs, resulting in a heavy defeat for the Ghaznavids.[37] This defeat allowed the Seljuks to establish military superiority over Khorasan and weakened the Ghaznavid army. As a result, in the years 1037-1038, the Seljuks brought most of Khorasan under their control, with the exception of Balkh.[38]

After establishing full control over Khorasan in 1037, the Seljuks declared Tughril as their leader, and for the first time, the Friday sermon (khutbah) was delivered in his name.[37] Tughril’s stepbrother, Ibrahim Inal, conquered Nishapur with 200 cavalry and had the khutbah recited in Tughril’s name during the first Friday prayer. Shortly thereafter, Tughril entered Nishapur, was received with a grand ceremony, hosted at the Shadiyakh garden, and then ascended the throne of Mas'ud of Ghazni.[39][40][41][42][43] Some sources also attribute these events to the years 1028–29.[14]

After Chaghri Beg conquered Nishapur, he intended to plunder the city. However, Tughril, relying on his elevated position and in response to the caliph's request that the Seljuks refrain from plundering, dissuaded Chaghri Beg from doing so by paying him 40,000 dinars.[44]

In the year 431 AH (1040 CE), the most significant and decisive battle between the Ghaznavids and Seljuks took place at a location called Dandanqan. Sultan Mas'ud’s arrogance, his disregard for advice, removal of loyal officials, the defection of some soldiers to the Seljuks, and other strategic missteps led to a crushing defeat for the Ghaznavids. Following this defeat, Sultan Mas'ud was killed, and the Ghaznavids’ power was effectively broken in the face of Seljuk ascendancy.[37][45][46][47][14][48][35] After the victory at Dandanaqan, Tughril and other Seljuk leaders, including Chaghri Beg and Musa Yabghu, sent a letter to the Abbasid caliph al-Qa'im bi-Amrillah requesting an official decree confirming their authority. The letter highlighted the services rendered by the Seljuks, the oppression they had endured at the hands of Sultan Mahmud, the errors of Sultan Mas'ud, and their decisive victory at the Battle of Dandanaqan.[49]

Establishment of the state

After the Seljuks came to power on Iranian soil and established their state, they began to pursue a policy influenced by the political culture of Iran, which, in contrast to traditional Turkic customs and practices, emphasized the strengthening of central authority and the succession of the eldest son of the deceased ruler to the throne. This policy eventually led to internal conflicts and rivalries among members of the dynasty, resulting in unfavorable consequences. According to the original administrative structure of the Turkic empires, the territory of the empire was governed by two influential members of the ruling dynasty, referred to as the Khaqan and the Yabghu. Within this framework, Tughril Beg and Chaghri Beg Davud assumed the roles of leaders and administrators. Both of their names were mentioned together in the khutbahs and jointly inscribed on coins. One resided in Nishapur, while the other was based in Merv. After the Battle of Dandanaqan, the Seljuk nobles recognized Tughril’s authority, and in accordance with the Turkic political system, Tughril assumed the title of khaqan. Chaghri, on the other hand, accepted the title of yabghu, and despite holding his own administrative powers, he acknowledged the sovereignty of Sultan Tughril and submitted to his authority. However, some sources claim that their positions were in fact equal.[15]

After arriving in Iran, the Seljuks, in line with their traditional practices, divided the conquered territories among prominent members of the family and their subordinates as major settlements. Each region was entrusted to an appointed authority, and Seljuk leaders were dispatched to administer their respective territories. As a result of this distribution, Tughril was granted the authority to govern the central region of Iran—'Iraq-i Ajam'.[50][51][52]

The arrival of the Turcomans in Iran is not solely associated with conquest, plunder, and the pursuit of wealth. It is believed that they entered Iran and its fertile lands with the intention of permanent settlement. After becoming familiar with the political, military, and social conditions of Iran, the Turcomans extended their ambitions beyond the borders of Khorasan and began considering territories beyond Iran’s frontiers as well.[52] One of the indicators supporting this notion is Tughril’s adoption of the title al-Sultan al-Mu‘azzam (“the Exalted Sultan”), which reflected his grand ambitions and the gradual realization of his envisioned objectives.[14] Tughril divided his territories among members of his family to ensure that trustworthy forces would maintain control over those regions. Furthermore, he relied on his loyal and experienced military companions, such as his brother Ibrahim Inal, Chaghri’s sons Yaquti and Alp Arslan, his cousin Qutalmish, and Israel’s son, in pursuit of his main goal: the conquest of targeted lands.[53][15]

Western and Central Iran during the Early Seljuk Period

At the time of the Seljuks’ entry into Iran in 431 AH (1040 CE), the region was, in the words of Vladimir Minorsky, experiencing a “Daylamite interlude.” During this period, Daylamite-origin dynasties—particularly the Buyids—held power in the mountainous regions of northern and northwestern Iran, as well as in the remote southern territories stretching as far as Iraq and the shores of the Persian Gulf. Some Kurdish emirs had also allied themselves with these dynasties. Among them was the Banu Annaz dynasty of Shahinjan, heirs of the Hasanwayhid lineage, which had operated in Hulwan and Kermanshah. Other Kurdish tribes also wielded influence and power in Kurdistan, Luristan, and the eastern parts of Fars. In this context, the Shabankara Kurds and the Banu Marwan can also be mentioned. However, following the death of Nasr al-Dawla, the ruler of the Banu Marwan, their territory too came under Seljuk influence.[54]

By the time Tughril Beg advanced westward from Khorasan, the Buyids were already in decline. Their administrative system consisted of three separate emirates, lacking political and geographical cohesion. Their governing authority was fragmented among the Iranian plateau’s center, Fars, and Iraq. Nevertheless, familial bonds among the dynasty’s founders and their administrative competence had preserved a degree of coordination between these regions. However, following the death of 'Adud al-Dawla (d. 372 AH), the political unity established during his reign disintegrated, and the next generation of the dynasty opposed his political trajectory.[54]

Initially, the Buyids relied on Daylamite infantry forces. Later, they strengthened their military by recruiting Turkic cavalry. However, for unknown reasons, the use of Daylamite soldiers gradually diminished during the 10th and 11th centuries, and eventually, the emirates became fully dependent on Turkic mercenaries. These Turkic military units often rebelled and began to operate independently of the emirs' authority, leading to a weakening of central Buyid power. The Buyids’ inclination toward Shi‘ism, particularly the doctrine of Twelver Shi‘ism, initially reinforced their authority. Yet over time, this policy lost its efficacy. Political Shi‘ism failed to establish dominance in the East, and the Ismailis maintained control over only limited territories. Additionally, the rise of the Turks and the resurgence of power by the Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im further strengthened the caliphate’s position in Iraq.[55]

By 421 AH (1030 CE), the Buyids still controlled vast territories, but they were facing serious attacks in the northern and central parts of Iran. In many cities, strong governance was either absent or in the hands of incompetent rulers. Some areas had fallen under the control of the Kakuyids, a Daylamite dynasty with close ties to the Buyids. However, this dynasty only managed to establish a brief and unstable rule in central Iran. Furthermore, the expansion of Turcoman tribes operating in Iraq into northern and central Iran—particularly their interest in Rayy and Hamadan—undermined the ambitions of rulers like Ibn Kakuyah and ultimately led to their submission to the Turkcomans. In the end, the military victories of the Turks in Iran broke the resistance of both the Ghaznavids and the Buyids, paving the way for the migration of numerous Turkcoman tribes from Central Asia into Iran.[56]

Tughril’s First Military Campaigns as Sultan

Gurgan and Tabaristan

In 433 AH (1041–1042 CE), Tughril took advantage of the political turmoil that arose in Gorgan due to the conflict between Anushirvan ibn Manuchihr of the Ziyarid dynasty and his military commander, Abu Kalijar. Seizing this opportunity, Tughril launched a campaign into the region. After overcoming brief resistance from the local population, he collected one hundred thousand dinars from the inhabitants, appointed Mardavij ibn Basu as governor of the city, and secured an annual tribute of fifty thousand dinars from him before returning to Nishapur.[57][58][39][39][59]

Subsequently, Mardavij ibn Basu marched on Sari with the aim of defeating Anushirvan. As a result, Anushirvan agreed to pay an annual tribute of thirty thousand dirhams and to have the khutbah read in Tughril’s name within his territories.[60][61] Following this agreement, Mardavij married Anushirvan’s mother, thereby bringing Anushirvan under his authority. As a consequence of these events, Gorgan and Tabaristan came under Seljuk control.[62][63]

Regarding the reason the Seljuks did not settle permanently in Tabaristan, Foruzani argues that the region’s humid climate was incompatible with their nature. However, Mo’allimi disagrees, suggesting instead that Tughril was too preoccupied with matters in Iraq, especially those related to Baghdad, to focus on the complicated situation in Mazandaran.[64][65]

Khwarazm

In 428 AH (1036–1037 CE), by order of Mas‘ud of Ghazna, his official Shahmalik was dispatched to Khwarazm with instructions to defeat Isma‘il Khandaq and his supporters. Shahmalik, who was also the governor of Jand, launched his campaign four years later, in 432 AH. After a prolonged and intense battle, he captured Khwarazm and had the khutbah read in Mas‘ud’s name. Following their defeat, Altunash’s son Isma‘il and his chamberlain Shakar sought refuge with Tughril Beg and Chaghri Beg, requesting their assistance. Chaghri Beg, accompanied by them, launched a campaign against Shahmalik in an effort to recapture Khwarazm. However, he was defeated in battle and withdrew to Khorasan, where he spent the winter. The following year, he returned to Khwarazm with Tughril Beg, and together they laid siege to the fortress where Shahmalik had taken refuge. They managed to deceive Shahmalik into leaving the fortress, and in the ensuing battle, many of his soldiers were killed, while forty of his close companions were captured. After this defeat, Shahmalik fled across the desert to Dehistan, then to Tabas, and passed through the regions of Kirman and Tis (in present-day southern Sistan) before reaching Makran. However, he was suddenly attacked, captured by Artash—brother of Ibrahim Inal—and handed over to Chaghri Beg. Under the order of Chaghri Beg, Shahmalik was executed, and control over Khwarazm was granted to a member of the Seljuk family.[66][60][57][59][61][63]

The Establishment of Ray as the Seljuk Capital

At the beginning of 433 AH (1041–1042 CE), the founder of the Kakuyid dynasty, ‘Ala al-Dawla Abu Ja‘far Kakuyah—who governed Ray, Isfahan, Hamadan, and parts of western Iran—passed away. He was succeeded by his son, Zahir al-Din Abu Mansur Faramarz. However, a rebellion led by his brothers against Faramarz created the conditions for Seljuk military intervention in the territories under Kakuyid control. That same year, Tughril Beg’s maternal half-brother, Ibrahim Inal, launched an attack on Ray and demanded Faramarz’s submission to the Seljuks. Lacking both the will to submit and the strength to confront Ibrahim’s army, Faramarz abandoned Ray. Ibrahim then occupied the city, stabilized the situation, and brought the surrounding regions under his control. He proceeded to conquer Burujird and then advanced toward Hamadan.[67]

During Ibrahim’s march toward Hamadan, Faramarz’s brother, Abu Kalijar Garshasp, was in control of the city. Upon learning of Ibrahim’s advance, Garshasp fled to Shapurkhwast. Ibrahim established a camp near Hamadan, and the city’s inhabitants agreed to submit to him on the condition that Garshasp be pursued and captured. Ibrahim accepted this condition and, after collecting a certain amount of money from them, set out in pursuit of Garshasp. He seized Shapurkhwast by force and plundered it, but failed to capture Garshasp, who had taken refuge in the city’s fortress. In 434 AH (1042–1043 CE), Tughril Beg arrived in Ray.[14][39][59] According to Bosworth, Ibrahim ceased his campaigns in the aforementioned regions and set out for Ray to meet Tughril. Meanwhile, Garshasp returned to Hamadan. At this point, Tughril reclaimed all the territories Ibrahim had seized, including Ray and the province of Jibal.[66][68][61][69]

Two main hypotheses have been proposed regarding Tughril’s decision:[70]

1. Tughril needed a strategically located and secure central base—such as Ray and Jibal—in order to achieve his long-term objectives.

2. The inhumane conduct displayed by Ibrahim and his Turkic companions during their conquests—particularly the devastation of Ray and the plundering of Shapurkhwast—was inconsistent with Tughril’s strategic aims. Tughril sought to win popular support and counteract negative perceptions of the Seljuks. The actions of Ibrahim and his men seriously undermined these efforts, prompting Tughril to repossess the territories they had captured.

Following these events, Tughril issued a decree to restore the ruined city of Ray and designated it as his capital.[60][71] In Ray, he came into possession of several gold statues adorned with precious stones, as well as two Chinese porcelain jars filled with jewels.[72]

Additionally, the Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im bi-Amrillah sent one of his trusted men, Habbattullah Ma’muni, to Tughril in Ray. Through this envoy, the caliph conveyed his goodwill and friendship toward Tughril. These gestures marked the beginning of a relationship between the Seljuks and the Abbasid caliphate, based on mutual interests.[73][74][75][76]

Continuation of Conquests in Iraq-i Ajam

Following the conquest of Khorasan and the establishment of the Seljuk state, Tughril assigned the division of conquered territories among his brothers and nephews and delegated to them the task of conquering new regions. His primary goals were, first, to consolidate his authority over the territories he had already brought under his control, and second, to rapidly expand Seljuk power by subjugating additional regions. Thus, the empire was divided into provinces, and each trusted relative was not only assigned a province to govern but also tasked with the conquest of neighboring lands. Chaghri Beg, as the eldest brother, made Merv and Khorasan his base;[77] Musa was appointed over Bust, Herat, and Sistan; and Qavurt, the son of Chaghri Beg, chose Nahavand and Kirman. Qavurt defeated the Buyid ruler’s army in Kirman and Makran, and brought Kirman under his control.[77][78]

Qazvin

After designating Ray as the capital, Tughril advanced with his army toward Qazvin. The inhabitants of Qazvin resisted his entry into the city, which prompted Tughril to launch an attack. As a result, many of the city’s residents were killed or taken captive. Fearing further consequences—particularly the looting and pillaging of their property—the city’s leaders intervened to prevent further resistance. They offered Tughril a gift of 80,000 dirhams and pledged their allegiance. The local governor likewise recognized Tughril’s sovereignty.[79][60][80][81][82]

Daylam

Tughril then sent a letter to the ruler of Daylam, calling upon him to submit to Seljuk authority and to pay a specific tribute. The Daylamite ruler complied with Tughril’s demand, sending the required tribute along with various gifts. Additionally, the commander of Ṭārom responded positively to Tughril’s letter, which demanded a gift of 200,000 dinars, and accepted his suzerainty, becoming Tughril’s vassal.[79][60][82][83]

Hamadan

As previously mentioned, after Ibrahim Inal’s withdrawal, Garshasp had returned to Hamadan. In 434 AH, Tughril launched a campaign to capture Hamadan and brought it under his control.[58][84] He appointed a man named Nasir ʿAlawi as the governor of the city and returned to Ray.[79][62][82]

Gorgan and Ṭabaristan

Some time later, Nasir was captured by Gurshasp, but Tughril liberated him and entrusted him with the governance of Ray. It is believed that Nasir’s appointment to Ray was connected to Tughril’s plans to advance toward Gurgan and Ṭabaristan. In those regions, Mardavij ibn Bisu, one of Tughril’s officials, had died and been succeeded by his son. However, Tughril did not accept the hereditary transfer of power in these territories. Thus, he marched to Gurgan, dismissed the newly appointed governor, and handed over control of the region to a man named Asfar, a close associate of Manuchihr of the Ziyarid family.[79][82]

Hamadan

In 1045, Garshasp returned once again to Hamadan and expelled Tughril’s officials from the city, ordering the khutbah to be read in his own name. Upon learning of this, Tughril set out to reassert his authority in the region and, in 1046, dispatched Ibrahim Inal to reconquer the province of Jibal. As part of this campaign, Ibrahim marched on Hamadan and, after Garshasp fled, brought the city under his control.[85][39]

Dinavar, Kirmanshah, and Hulwan

In western Iran, a man named Abu Shuk, who controlled certain territories, fled the city of Dinavar in anticipation of an assault by Ibrahim Inal. Ibrahim seized this opportunity and captured the city. After stabilizing the situation in Dinavar, he advanced toward Kirmanshah in pursuit of Abu Shuk. However, Abu Shuk fled to Hulwan. Ibrahim engaged in fierce clashes with Kirmanshah’s defenders and, in 1046, succeeded in taking the city. He then marched toward Hulwan, capturing several villages and fortresses along the way. Upon reaching Hulwan, he found that Abu Shuk and the local population had already abandoned the city. Thus, Ibrahim entered without resistance and looted the town.[85][86][82]

Other Conflicts

In 1047, after Abu Shuk’s death, his brother and successor Mahlehl expelled Ibrahim Inal’s governor Badr ibn Tahir from Kirmanshah and assumed control. That same year, Mahlehl’s son Muhammad seized Dinavar. These territories subsequently passed between Abu Shuk’s son Sa‘di—who had now allied himself with Ibrahim—and various uncles and cousins. In 1048, Ibrahim Inal took advantage of the internal discord between Sa‘di and other members of his family and regained control of his former domains. Additionally, he annexed a number of villages and fortresses, and after gaining control over the city of Shahrizur, further expanded the reach of his authority.[87][88]

One of the reasons for Ibrahim’s frequent clashes with local rulers and tribes was the recurring raids carried out by him and his army. For the Turks in Ibrahim’s ranks, such plundering was seen as part of a traditional war practice. This custom, inherited from their nomadic lifestyle in Central Asia, continued to be an integral aspect of their conduct.[89]

The Establishment of Isfahan as the Seljuk Capital

Following the Seljuk victory at the Battle of Dandanaqan, Tughril showed special respect to Faramarz, a member of the Kakuyid dynasty, and promised him the administration of cities such as Ray and Isfahan. However, as previously mentioned, in 1042, Ibrahim Inal expelled Faramarz from Ray, leaving him with control over Isfahan alone. It appears that Faramarz’s discontent with Ray being handed over to the Seljuks, and the resentment this imposed concession engendered, led to a shift in his political stance and ultimately compelled him to oppose Tughril. In an effort to subdue him, Tughril dispatched cavalry forces to Isfahan in 1043. These troops pillaged the surrounding areas before returning to Ray. Later that same year, Tughril announced his intention to march on Isfahan and departed from Ray. Upon learning of Tughril’s movements, Faramarz initiated correspondence with him, eventually persuading Tughril to abandon the campaign by offering a certain payment.[62][82]

In the month of Muharram in 1046, Faramarz declared his loyalty and allegiance to the Buyid heir Sultan Abu Kalijar and ordered the khutbah to be read in his name in Isfahan and its surrounding regions. Shortly thereafter, in 1047, Tughril laid siege to Isfahan. However, as he was unable to enter the city, he opted for negotiation and reached an agreement with Faramarz: the ruler of Isfahan was to deliver regular tribute payments and have the khutbah read in Tughril’s name within the city and its surroundings.[90][14][91][92]

In 1049, Sultan Abu Kalijar passed away and was succeeded by his son, Sultan Rahim. During this period, Faramarz occasionally expressed his loyalty to Tughril, while at other times he acted under the authority of Sultan Rahim. This dual allegiance eventually led Tughril to dispatch an army to Isfahan in 1051, initiating a siege that lasted for an entire year. During this period, several skirmishes broke out between the forces of Tughril and Faramarz, although Tughril managed to control only the outskirts of the city. The prolonged siege and the devastation of surrounding villages forced the city's notables to initiate negotiations. They sent envoys offering submission and a specified tribute in an attempt to obtain Tughril’s approval. However, Tughril insisted on complete capitulation. Meanwhile, the people of Isfahan, suffering from severe food shortages, could no longer resist. As a result, they declared their submission and surrendered the city to Tughril. Tughril then awarded certain regions in Jibal as iqṭāʿ (fiefs) to some of Faramarz’s military commanders and thereby removed them from Isfahan. Faramarz himself was granted the cities of Yazd and Abarkuh as his iqṭāʿ. Tughril also treated the inhabitants of Isfahan with kindness.[93][39] [68] Thus, in the month of Muharram in 1052, Tughril entered Isfahan.[92] The city appealed to Tughril’s tastes and sensibilities, and for this reason, it was selected as the new capital of the Seljuk state. Military supplies and weaponry were transferred from Ray to Isfahan.[94][60][95][39][96]

Continued Campaigns in the Northwest and West

The First Permanent Seljuk Entry into Anatolia

Long before Tughril's reign, the Turcomans had launched several raids into Anatolia — known as Eastern Rome or Byzantine territories. However, during Tughril’s reign, for the first time in 1048, the Turcomans, under the leadership of Ibrahim Inal, began organizing systematic campaigns into Byzantine lands. Encouraged by Ibrahim’s calls, the Turks moved toward the borders of Rum, and Ibrahim followed them into those territories.[14] Upon arrival, they engaged in fierce battles with Byzantine and Abkhazian forces in areas such as Manzikert (Malazgird), Erzurum, Cilicia, and Trebizond. These encounters witnessed both defeats and victories. Ultimately, under Ibrahim Inal’s command, the Turcomans achieved a decisive victory, during which many Byzantine soldiers were either killed, captured, or forced to retreat.[97]

Following these successes, Ibrahim launched further attacks into different regions of Byzantine territory, even advancing to within a fifteen-day march of the Byzantine capital, Constantinople. As a result of the fighting, the Turcoman captured a significant amount of loot, including wild animals, wealth, and military supplies from the local population.[98][99]

Establishing Control in Azerbaijan and the South Caucasus

In 1054, Tughril Beg launched a military campaign aimed at the conquest of Azerbaijan (with Tabriz as its center). At the time, the region was under the rule of the Rawadid dynasty, specifically Amir Abu’l-Mansur Vahsudan ibn Muhammad. As Tughril's campaign began, Amir Abu’l-Mansur sent valuable gifts and his son as a hostage to Tughril, recognizing his sovereignty by having the khutbah read in his name and minting coins on his behalf. Tughril subsequently marched toward Ganja. The ruler of the city, Amir Abu’l-Aswar Shaddadid, also submitted to Tughril and had the khutbah read in his name. As a result, the other principalities in Azerbaijan also accepted Tughril’s authority. Tughril took hostages from them and confirmed the local rulers in their positions.[60]

Tughril then launched a campaign toward the eastern Byzantine frontiers — corresponding to the western regions of modern-day South Caucasus. Abu’l-Aswar Shaddadid accompanied him during this expedition. Tughril’s main objective was the conquest of the city of Malazgirt. He laid siege to the city, plundered and devastated a nearby town called Hasna. Through the killing, plundering, and capture of many Byzantines, he succeeded in instilling fear and awe throughout the region. He advanced as far as Erzurum but was unable to capture Malazgirt. With the onset of winter, he returned to Azerbaijan.[100][101] Although he declared that he would resume his campaign into Byzantine territories after winter, he returned to the city of Ray some time later.[102][94][103][104]

Establishing Strong Relations with the Caliphate

In the year 447 AH (1055 CE), the Seljuk state entered a new phase in its military, political, social, and cultural development. Having crossed the borders of the Iranian plateau, the Seljuks entered Arab Iraq and began to play a decisive role in the governance of the Abbasid Caliphate. That same year, at the invitation of the Abbasid Caliph al-Qa'im bi-Amrillah, Sultan Tughril launched a military campaign to Baghdad and put an end to the Buyid dynasty. Tughril had the last Buyid ruler in Arab Iraq, Malik al-Rahim, arrested and thus eliminated the dynasty. Simultaneously, he expelled Arslan al-Basasiri, the commander of Turkic military forces in Baghdad. As a result of these events, Sultan Tughril and the Seljuk state significantly strengthened their authority and influence over the Caliphate’s territories.[41][105][60][106]

The Situation in Iraq on the Eve of Tughril’s Arrival

Arslan al-Basasiri, also known by the laqab Abū’l-Ḥārith, was one of the Turkic mamluks of Baha al-Dawla, son of ‘Adud al-Dawla. During the reign of Caliph al-Qa'im, he served as the commander of the Turkic army. His role as “commander of the Baghdad army” is explicitly documented in the works Rahat al-Sudur and Ayat al-Surur. Arslan, in fact, held a key administrative position as shahanshah of Baghdad (the chief of security and executive authority in the city).[107] During the rule of the Buyid ruler Malik al-Rahim (1049), Arslan began acting as a provisional governor of Iraq. From 1050 onwards, he received control of parts of Anbar, Dazdar, and Wasit as iqṭāʿ, and was simultaneously appointed as the governor of Basra. His influence grew to such an extent that even the caliph could not take any action without his approval.[108]

In Ramadan 1054, a conflict arose between Caliph al-Qa'im and Arslan, orchestrated by the caliph’s vizier Ibn al-Muslima.[109] One of the main reasons for Arslan’s rebellious attitude was the vizier’s hostile stance toward Shi‘ites, particularly in the Karkh quarter of Baghdad, and his overt support for Sunnis. During this period, sectarian tensions in Baghdad escalated significantly. Supported by newly arrived Turks, Kurdish and Bedouin Arab forces began looting villages. Despite his efforts, Arslan failed to suppress these attacks. Meanwhile, Quraysh ibn Badran, leader of the Banu Uqayl tribe and ruler of Mosul, seized Anbar, confiscated Arslan’s property, and had the Friday sermon (khutba) recited in Sultan Tughril’s name. Arslan interpreted this event as the result of Ibn al-Muslima’s incitement and, in retaliation, suspended the salaries of the caliph, the vizier, and the officials of the Dār al-Khilāfa. Thus, tensions between the parties intensified further.[108]

Although Basasiri repledged his allegiance to the caliph in 1056, the vizier accused him of treason. Following the caliph’s orders, Malik al-Rahim distanced himself from Arslan, and the vizier instructed the Turkic forces in Baghdad to loot Arslan’s property, family, and supporters.[109] Humiliated by these events, Arslan was later condemned by the caliph due to his alleged correspondence with the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir. This deepened the rift between Arslan and the Abbasid caliph. At this time, Tughril declared that he would come to Iraq under the pretext of performing the Hajj pilgrimage. According to Ibn Qalanisi, the caliph invited Tughril to Baghdad while Arslan was in Wasit, but Arslan arrived in the city before him and reportedly burned and looted part of the Dār al-Khilāfa. However, this event is not confirmed by other historians.[108]

Fatimid dāʿī al-Mu’ayyad al-Shīrāzī reports that before Tughril's arrival in Baghdad, he sent letters to Tughril's vizier Amid al-Mulk Abu Nasr al-Kunduri, to Basasiri, and to the Baghdad army, inviting them to recognize Fatimid authority. Arslan is said to have received al-Mu’ayyad’s letter in the city of Rahba, which likely marks the beginning of his relations with the Fatimids. He promised that, if supported by the Fatimids, he would expel the Seljuk Turks from Iraq and hand control of the region over to the Fatimid Caliphate.[109]

Tughril's First Arrival in Baghdad and the End of the Buyid Dynasty

In Muharram 447 AH, Sultan Tughril set out from Rayy toward Hamadan, with the intention of performing the Hajj pilgrimage, securing the road to Mecca, and eventually overthrowing the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir in Syria and Egypt. He passed through Dinavar and Kermanshah, reaching the region of Hulwan. Meanwhile, upon learning that Tughril was approaching Baghdad, the Buyid ruler Malik al-Rahim departed from Wasit and arrived in the capital in the middle of Ramadan that year. During this time, both Tughril and Malik al-Rahim professed their loyalty and obedience to the caliph. Meanwhile, several commanders in Malik al-Rahim’s army sent letters to Tughril pledging allegiance and promised that the Friday sermon would be delivered in his name. In response to the caliph’s order, Baghdad's preachers began to mention Tughril's name in the khutba. Thus, on the 22nd of Ramadan 447 AH, Tughril’s name was officially pronounced in the sermon for the first time, and he was granted the honorific title “Rukn al-Dawla Abū Ṭālib Tughril Beg Muḥammad ibn Mikāʾīl.”[110][39]

At that time, however, Basasiri's situation was different. By order of the caliph, Malik al-Rahim distanced himself from him, and Basasiri sought refuge in the territory of the Mazidid ruler Nur al-Dawla ibn Dubays ibn Mazid. Meanwhile, in response to the caliph’s request for assistance in suppressing Basasiri, Tughril advanced toward Baghdad. The Turkic troops under Basasiri, acting on the caliph’s order, revolted against their commanders to prevent giving Tughril a pretext for entering the city. These soldiers petitioned the caliph to send a message ordering Tughril to withdraw, but the caliph firmly refused, as his vizier regarded the collapse of Buyid rule as necessary and considered Tughril’s arrival essential for that purpose.[39] At that point, the sermons mentioned Tughril’s name followed only by Malik al-Rahim’s titles—such as "al-Malik al-Rahim Abū Naṣr ibn Abī’l-Hayjā’ Sulṭān al-Dawla"—and according to some reports, his name was omitted altogether. Later, Tughril requested permission from the caliph to enter Baghdad, which was granted. While he was in Nahrawan, Tughril was informed that the caliph’s vizier, accompanied by numerous dignitaries—judges, naqibs, nobles, and palace officials—was coming to greet him. Some of Malik al-Rahim’s commanders also joined this delegation. In response, Tughril sent his vizier, Amid al-Mulk al-Kunduri, along with several commanders to receive them. During his meeting with Tughril, the caliph’s vizier Abū’l-Qāsim Muslimah delivered a letter from the caliph and took oaths of loyalty from him on behalf of the caliph, Malik al-Rahim, and the army commanders. Following these events, Tughril entered Baghdad on the 25th of Ramadan, 447 AH.[79][111][112][113][14][114][104]

Shortly after, a minor incident sparked a clash between the people of Baghdad and Tughril’s army. This confrontation resulted in numerous deaths, injuries, and prisoners on both sides. The Turks exploited the situation to plunder the property of influential individuals and the tombs of former caliphs. Suspecting Malik al-Rahim's involvement in the uprising, Tughril sent a stern letter to the caliph demanding that Malik al-Rahim be handed over to him to prove his innocence. To gain their trust, he also sent a letter of assurance to Malik al-Rahim and his associates. Consequently, Malik al-Rahim, his close aides, and several representatives of the caliph went to meet Tughril. However, they were ambushed and looted by Turks en route. At the end of Ramadan, Malik al-Rahim and his companions were taken prisoner by Tughril’s order and later exiled to the fortress of Sirwan. With these events, the Buyid dynasty’s rule in Arab Iraq came to an end. In response to Tughril and the Turks' actions, the caliph sent a letter reminding Tughril of the guarantee he had given for the release of Malik al-Rahim and his companions and stated that Tughril would have to leave Baghdad if they were not freed. Nevertheless, the caliph also acknowledged that Tughril’s actions were intended to preserve the dignity of the caliphate. In reply, Tughril released some prisoners but refused to free Malik al-Rahim and even seized his iqṭāʿ. Afterward, Seljuk troops dispersed throughout Baghdad and continued to loot the city, which consequently suffered extensive damage. However, under Tughril’s orders, Baghdad was later restored, and its territory even expanded. It should be noted that the decision to imprison Malik al-Rahim was taken with the implicit approval of the caliph. In other words, Tughril ended Buyid rule in Iraq by imprisoning Malik al-Rahim after remaining in Baghdad for a time. However, Arslan al-Basasiri still remained at large. To further strengthen relations between the Seljuks and the Abbasid Caliphate, in 448 AH (1056 CE), the caliph married his daughter Arslan Khatun Khadija to Chaghri Beg’s son. The marriage ceremony was attended by al-Kunduri, a group of local notables, and Tughril’s military commanders. The nikah was conducted in the presence of the vizier, renowned scholars, and judges.[114][111][107][112][115][104][116]

The Beginning of the First Conflicts between Tughril and Arslan

Arslan’s Relations with the Fatimids

There are numerous contradictory accounts in the available sources regarding Arslan al-Basasiri’s relations with Fatimid Egypt. According to Ibn al-Sayrafi, Arslan intended to travel to Egypt and even made the journey, receiving financial support from the Egyptian vizier Yazuri to wage war against Tughril and the Caliph of Baghdad. According to Fazlullah Rashid al-Din, Arslan fled from Dubays ibn Mazid and traveled to Egypt, where he pledged to overthrow the Abbasids, gained Fatimid support, and set out for Baghdad.[108]

However, according to al-Maqrizi, although Arslan had appealed to Egypt, he was not granted entry. On the other hand, al-Mu’ayyad fi’l-Din al-Shirazi states that in 448 AH (1056 CE), such a large amount of money was sent to him that the Egyptian treasury was nearly emptied. Caliph al-Mustansir even granted Arslan authority over the province of Rahba so that he could fight against the Turks and take control of Iraq. Al-Mu’ayyad not only provided financial and military support to Arslan, but also presented him with a robe of honor (khilʿa) inscribed with the name of al-Mustansir, a formal covenant, and a letter from the Fatimid caliph. In this letter, al-Mustansir expressed his respect and honor for Arslan and officially appointed him as the Fatimid representative in Iraq to combat the Abbasids.[108]

Arslan’s Capture of Tikrit and Mosul, and the Events that Followed

The Confrontation between Arslan, Nur al-Dawla, and Quraysh ibn Badran, and the Conflict with Qutalmish

In the year 1057, a battle took place in Sinjar in which Arslan and Nur al-Dawla, son of Dubays ibn Mazid, fought on one side, while Quraysh ibn Badran and Qutalmish, cousin of Sultan Tughril, were on the other. As a result of the battle, the forces of Quraysh and Qutalmish suffered a severe defeat. It is worth noting that during this battle, Qutalmish and his army sustained significant losses inflicted by the local population of Sinjar.[104] After this event, Quraysh ibn Badran sought refuge with Nur al-Dawla and accepted the robe of honor sent by the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir, thereby aligning himself with their supporters. Prior to the battle, correspondence had taken place between the Fatimid caliph, Basasiri, and Nur al-Dawla, resulting in the dispatch of robes of honor to several prominent figures who had distanced themselves from the Abbasids, including Arslan and Nur al-Dawla. After Quraysh joined their ranks, Arslan and Nur al-Dawla proceeded to Mosul, where they had the Friday sermon (khutba) proclaimed in the name of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir billah.[117][111][118]

Tughril’s Seizure of Tikrit and Mosul, and the Reaction of Nur al-Dawla and Quraysh ibn Badran

Due to his prolonged stay in Baghdad and the harm inflicted by his troops upon the local population, the Abbasid caliph requested that Tughril leave the city. Upon receiving news of developments in Mosul, Tughril departed Baghdad in 1057, after remaining there for thirteen months.[119] During this period, communications and negotiations between the caliph and Tughril were conducted through their respective viziers, and they did not meet directly. Tughril and his forces looted the villages and towns along their route and eventually reached Tikrit. After Tikrit’s governor declared his loyalty to Tughril, and Tughril’s nephew Yaquti joined him, the Seljuks advanced toward Mosul and captured the city.[112][120]

Soon thereafter, Nur al-Dawla ibn Dubays and Quraysh ibn Badran accepted Tughril’s authority. In return, Tughril reinstated their former territories. As for Arslan, Tughril left the decision regarding his fate to the caliph and distanced himself from the matter. Meanwhile, following the defection of his allies to Tughril’s side, Arslan marched to Rahba with his army. Shortly afterward, fearing Ibrahim Inal, Nur al-Dawla and Quraysh fled and joined Arslan. However, Arslan did not regard their move as significant. Ultimately, Nur al-Dawla returned to his territory, while Quraysh and his son remained with Arslan.[121][122]

The Continued Conquests in the Jazira Region

Following the aforementioned conquests, Tughril's attention turned toward Diyarbakir. This region was under the rule of a man named Ibn Marwan. He expressed his submission to Tughril by sending him gifts and having the Friday sermon (khutba) delivered in his name. However, some time later, Tughril laid siege to the territory of Jazirat Ibn ‘Umar, which was under Ibn Marwan’s control, with the aim of annexing it. In response, Ibn Marwan referred to his position on the frontier and his ongoing jihad against infidels and promised to pay a certain amount of tribute to Tughril. As a result, Tughril lifted the siege, although the region came under his nominal authority. During this time, Ibrahim Inal was ceremonially welcomed by the local notables and inhabitants of the region and joined Tughril. Shortly thereafter, having received complaints from Qutalmish that the people of Sinjar had inflicted damage upon his army, Tughril besieged Sinjar and took control of the city. Subsequently, Tughril entrusted the administration of Sinjar, Mosul, and surrounding areas to Ibrahim Inal and returned to Baghdad toward the end of the year 1057.[123][124][122][119]

The Expansion of Tughril’s Relations with the Caliphate

When Tughril reached a location called Qafṣ, near Baghdad, the Caliph’s vizier, Abu’l-Qasim ibn Muslimah, left the city to greet him. Upon approaching Qafṣ, some of Tughril’s leading commanders, along with his vizier al-Kunduri, also came to meet him. The vizier presented himself before Tughril with great respect, conveyed the greetings of the caliph, and presented him with valuable gifts, including a golden vessel filled with precious stones. At Tughril’s request to meet with the caliph, al-Qa’im bi-Amrillah appeared for a public audience on the 25th of Dhu’l-Qaʿda, 1058. Tughril approached the palace in a boat escorted by several others and was brought to the palace riding one of the caliph’s horses. Upon entering, he paid his respects to the caliph and was seated on a designated throne. Through his vizier, the caliph expressed his gratitude and satisfaction with Tughril’s actions and encouraged him to uphold justice and piety. He also granted Tughril administrative authority over his territories. Following this, Tughril was invited to the khilʿa chamber of the palace, where he donned a robe of honor in the presence of the caliph. Subsequently, he was conferred with the title “King of the East and the West” (Malik al-Mashriq wa’l-Maghrib). At the conclusion of the ceremony, Tughril reciprocated by sending the caliph valuable gifts from outside the palace.[125]

A more detailed account of the ceremony is as follows:[125]

During the ceremony, the caliph presented Tughril with a crown, a necklace, bracelets, and seven black robes — symbolizing the sovereignty over the seven climes. Additionally, he was honored with a gold-embroidered dastār scented with musk, symbolizing the Arab crown and royal authority. Tughril then exited the khilʿa chamber and proceeded to the caliphal palace. Adorned with the crown, dastār, a golden sword, and various precious ornaments, he seated himself ceremonially on the throne that had been designated for him. Intending to express his gratitude to the caliph by performing prostration (sujūd), he found himself unable to do so because of the crown on his head. He therefore sought the caliph’s permission to instead clasp his hand twice, kiss it, and place it upon his eyes. The caliph responded by bestowing upon him another sword — thus, Tughril wore two swords — and formally granted him authority over both the East and the West, declaring him “Sovereign of the East and the West.

The Confrontation between Tughril and Ibrahim Inal

Origins of the Conflict and Initial Clash

In the administrative structure of the Central Asian Turks, which was rooted in a nomadic lifestyle, the khagan—i.e., the leader of the Turks—did not possess absolute authority. However, after the Seljuks established their rule over Iran and Tughril Bey became acquainted with monarchical governance, he began to view this system as aligning with his own aspirations. Consequently, he started perceiving other notables as his subordinates. Ibrahim Inal, on the other hand, had played a significant role in the Seljuk victories as the leader of Turcoman groups known as the "Inali"s and had notably contributed to the expansion of Seljuk territories westward and in campaigns into Asia Minor. He could not tolerate Tughril's unilateral decision-making and autocratic rule. Therefore, in 1050, he refused to comply with Tughril’s order granting him a province comprising Hamadan and the fortresses in the Jibal region. Simultaneously, he took harsh punitive measures against the vizier Abu Ali, who was suspected of instigating discord between them. Following this, he launched a serious military campaign against Tughril. However, he was defeated in this confrontation and retreated, leading to the areas under his control falling into Tughril’s hands. Ibrahim took refuge in the fortress of Sarmaj in the Jibal region and continued his rebellion. After a four-day siege by Tughril’s numerous troops, the fortress was captured and Ibrahim surrendered. Brought before Tughril, Ibrahim was treated mercifully. The majority of his former lands were returned to him, and he was given the freedom to either return to his iqtaʿ lands or remain in Tughril’s service. He chose the latter and continued to serve in Tughril’s army..[126][60][127][92][63]

The Rise of Ibrahim Inal’s Influence

After 1050, Ibrahim Inal gained significant influence through the valuable services he rendered by Tughril’s side. One notable indication of this influence is the following account:[128]

In 1049, when Tughril laid siege to the fortress of Ibn Umar in the Jazira region, Ibrahim Inal joined him there and criticized the cautious and respectful conduct of Amid al-Mulk Kunduri. In response, Amid al-Mulk said: “You may now do as you wish, for you are the deputy of the sultan.” This statement reveals that Ibrahim Inal held a position equivalent to Tughril’s deputy at that time and had acquired considerable influence within the court.

Renewed Tensions and Final Confrontation

In 1059, Ibrahim Inal left Mosul with the aim of moving toward the Jibal region. Tughril Beg interpreted this as an act of rebellion and demanded his return to Baghdad. The caliph also sent a letter to Ibrahim urging him to return. These appeals led Ibrahim to rejoin Tughril; there, he was welcomed cordially by Vizier Amid al-Mulk Kunduri and was presented with a ceremonial robe (khilʿa) by the caliph. After Ibrahim’s departure from Mosul, Arslan Basasiri and Quraysh ibn Badran were appointed to rule the region. During this time, owing to the celebration of Nowruz, most of Tughril’s soldiers had returned to their homelands, leaving him with only about two thousand cavalry. Upon learning of the situation, he marched toward Mosul, but Arslan and Quraysh had already vacated the city. Tughril then set off in pursuit toward Nisibin. At this point, Ibrahim refused to proceed alongside Tughril and instead set out toward Hamadan, entering the city in Ramadan of 450 AH (1059). According to sources, the Fatimids had established contact with Ibrahim during this period. Additionally, it is reported that Arslan tried to deceive him with a promise of enthronement to use him for his own objectives. Although Tughril came to Hamadan in pursuit of Ibrahim, he refrained from engaging in battle due to the latter’s large army and the support he had received from his nephews—Muhammad and Ahmad, the sons of Ardash—while Tughril’s forces remained few in number. Tughril then withdrew to Rayy and wrote to his nephew Alp Arslan, as well as to Yaquti and Qavurt—the sons of Chaghri Beg—seeking assistance. They joined Tughril with a large army. Finally, in 1060, a battle took place near Rayy between Tughril and Ibrahim. The battle resulted in Ibrahim’s defeat and his capture by Alp Arslan. His nephews were likewise taken prisoner. Ibrahim was handed over to Tughril Bey and, on the same day, executed by strangulation with a bowstring at Tughril’s command. His nephews were also executed alongside him.[128][122][118][129][14][119][109]

=== The Final Confrontation between Tughril Beg and Arslan al-Basasiri

Arslan’s Activities in Tughril’s Absence

While Tughril Bey was pursuing Ibrahim Inal, Arslan took advantage of the situation and entered Baghdad in 1059. His arrival was met with resistance from the city’s military commander Amid al-‘Iraq, his forces, and the local populace—including the residents of streets and markets—but ultimately, Arslan overcame this opposition and secured victory. He had the Friday sermon (khuṭba) recited in the name of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir Billah in the Jami‘ Mosque located in the Mansur district. In addition, he ordered the Shi‘i formula “Ḥayya ‘ala khayr al-‘amal” to be inserted into the call to prayer (adhan). After entering Baghdad, Arslan and his army set up camp in a place called Zahir, and on the first Friday following his entry, the khuṭba was again recited in al-Mustansir’s name in the Rusafa mosque.[14][130]

During this period, a series of clashes erupted between Arslan's supporters and those loyal to the Abbasid caliphate. Many Shi‘a and Sunnis, objecting to the harsh treatment they had received due to their sectarian affiliation and ethnic background, came to support Arslan. This shift turned the tide against the Abbasid loyalists. Amid al-‘Iraq appealed to the caliph’s vizier to delay military confrontation until Tughril’s return, but the vizier rejected this suggestion and instead sent a qadi from Hamadan—Qadi Hamadani—to lead the fight. Thanks to Arslan’s superior military tactics, this clash ended in his victory. Subsequently, one of Baghdad’s neighborhoods and then the caliph’s palace were looted. Other parts of the city also fell under the control of Arslan’s supporters. When the caliph sought help from Amid al-‘Iraq, the latter sought protection from Quraysh ibn Badran, who was allied with Arslan. Eventually, the caliph and his vizier were compelled to seek clemency from Quraysh and came under his protection. Following this, Arslan asked Quraysh whether their cooperation would continue. Quraysh expressed his willingness to maintain the alliance. Soon after, the caliph’s vizier Abu’l-Qasim Muslimah was handed over to Arslan and, on his orders, was brutally executed. Amid al-‘Iraq was also killed by Arslan. The caliph was initially kept in Quraysh ibn Badran’s camp and later handed over, at Arslan’s command, to Quraysh’s cousin Muharij ibn Mujli, governor of the Haditha region. Muharij then transferred the caliph to the city of Anah in Haditha.[130][131][119][120]

On another occasion, during Eid al-Adha, Arslan set out on horseback for the Baghdad prayer ground (musalla) for the Eid prayer, surrounded by Fatimid banners. During this procession, he treated the people, including scholars of different sects and the caliph’s mother, with respect and courtesy. Later, he marched on the cities of Wasit and Basra and took control of these regions. Although he initially planned to advance into Ahvaz, he refrained from doing so after reaching an agreement with the local governor, Hazar Asb ibn Bakkar, and returned to Wasit in 1059.[132]

Tughril Returns the Caliph to Baghdad

After resolving the issue with Ibrahim Inal, Tughril Beg moved toward Arab Iraq to restore the caliph to his capital. He sent a letter to Arslan and Quraysh ibn Badran, offering to refrain from entering Iraq if the caliph was returned to his place and if the khuṭba and coins were once again issued in Tughril’s name. However, Arslan rejected this offer, prompting Tughril to advance into Iraq. Arslan and his supporters evacuated the region in 1059. Tughril then entered Baghdad and sent a respected scholar to Quraysh ibn Badran to express his gratitude for the kindness shown to the caliph’s wife, who was the daughter of Chaghri Beg, and demanded the return of the caliph to Baghdad.[133][14][119]

As a result, the caliph was brought to a region under the authority of Badr ibn Muhallal and was received by officials including Amid al-Mulk Kunduri and other notable figures sent by Tughril. When the caliph reached Nahrawan on the 24th of Dhu al-Qa‘dah, Tughril went to meet him, expressed satisfaction upon seeing him in good health, and pledged to pursue Arslan and undertake military operations against the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir Billah. The caliph then ceremoniously girded Tughril with a sword and praised him. Tughril entered Baghdad ahead of the caliph and, on the 25th of Dhu al-Qa‘dah, accompanied the caliph to his residence. In return for his services, the caliph praised Tughril and addressed him with the honorific "Irkab ya Rukn al-Din." Previously, Tughril had been known by the title “Rukn al-Dawla,” and this shift to “Rukn al-Din” signified recognition of his struggle against the Fatimid caliphate.[134]

The Final Confrontation between Tughril and Arslan

Tughril appointed Khumartakin Tughragini as commander of the army and sent him to Kufa, following behind shortly thereafter. He caught Arslan and Dabbis ibn Mazid by surprise. Dabbis retreated to the Batihah region, but Arslan engaged Tughril in battle. Eventually, after some of his supporters were captured, Arslan was killed, and his head was sent to Tughril. In 1059, Tughril presented the head to the caliph. With this victory, the Abbasid caliphate was saved from a serious threat, and Tughril gained immense prestige for his critical role in its restoration.[134][122][131][119][120]

According to another report, Arslan fled Baghdad upon Tughril’s arrival. His allies—including Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir, Dabbis Mazidi, and Quraysh ‘Aqili—also withdrew their support. In 451 AH / 1059 CE, Arslan was captured by Ghumushtakin, a mamluk of Amid al-Mulk Kunduri, and executed. His head was sent to Baghdad.[130]

Tughril’s Other Political and Military Activities

Following the Baghdad affair, Tughril proceeded toward the city of Wasit. During the campaign, Dabbis ibn Mazid came into Tughril’s service and declared his allegiance through Hazarasp ibn Bani Kir. Tughril granted Wasit, which had an annual revenue of two hundred thousand dinars, to Abu ʿAli ibn Fazlan, and bestowed Basra as a tiyul (benefice) upon Agharr Abu Saʿd Shapur ibn Muzaffar. He advanced as far as the Batihah region and returned to Baghdad in 1061, accompanied by several notables and dignitaries. He met with the caliph and attended a ceremonial event held in his honor. Later, he granted the administration of Baghdad for a period of three years, in return for four hundred thousand dinars, to Abu’l-Fath Muzaffar, and entrusted the city’s military command to the amir Barsaq. In 1061, Tughril left Baghdad and traveled to the region of Jibal. Additionally, he had entrusted the administration of Azerbaijan to Mamlān, the son of Vahsudan.[135]

After leaving Arab Iraq in 1061, Tughril marched toward Azerbaijan and entered Tabriz. Qutalmish was sent in his name to the regions of Mosul and Diyar Rabiʿa.[109] In the same year, by Tughril’s order, Mahmud ibn Akhram Khafaji was appointed mirab (water administrator) over the lands of Banu Khafajah, Kufa, and the Euphrates.[136]

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Tughril’s Authority over the Caliphate

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Tughril Bey recognized only the spiritual authority of the Abbasid caliphs while opposing their political influence, especially in light of his significant accomplishments: ending the Buyid state’s dominance over Arab Iraq, suppressing local rebellions and bandit groups, and resisting the growing influence of the Fatimid Caliphate in the region. In accordance with the political doctrine followed by Tughril and his advisers, the caliph’s spiritual status was acknowledged, but his interference in matters of governance was not tolerated; all executive and administrative power was to remain within the sultan’s domain. From this perspective, their policy aimed at diminishing and restricting the temporal authority of the caliph. For example, determining the caliph’s material entitlements and preventing him from exercising control over the Muslim public treasury (bayt al-mal) were among the measures taken in this framework.[137][138][139]

To further reinforce the revival of the Abbasid caliphate and secure a future military presence in the region, Tughril requested revenues from certain areas after restoring the caliph to Baghdad. He tasked his adviser, Amid al-Mulk al-Kunduri, with delivering this request. Amid al-Mulk prepared for the mission and set out to appear before the caliph. On the way, he encountered the caliph’s vizier, Abu’l-Qasim ibn Muslimah, who was also carrying a message requesting financial assistance from Tughril. They proceeded together to Tughril’s presence and explained the situation. Realizing that Amid al-Mulk had prior knowledge of the matter, Tughril entrusted him with the management of the issue.[130] Based on the legal codes of Baghdad, Amid al-Mulk established the financial entitlements and limitations of the caliph. As a result, the caliph became increasingly dependent on Tughril’s will and was compelled to comply with his demands following this incident.[124]

Tughril’s Position in Relations with the Caliphate

The significance of relations with the Abbasid caliphate was evident to the Seljuks even before their full integration into the Islamic world. Their early actions demonstrate the value they placed on this relationship. For instance, in a letter addressed to the governor of Syria, the Seljuk commanders referred to themselves as “slaves of the Commander of the Faithful.” After the conquest of Nishapur, when the caliph requested that the city not be plundered, Tughril paid forty thousand dinars to his brother Chaghri Beg to prevent the looting and thus secured the caliph’s satisfaction. Following their victory at the Battle of Dandanaqan, the Seljuks sent a letter to the caliph explaining their situation and seeking formal recognition of their authority—clearly indicating their desire for legitimacy from the caliph. In 1055, with Tughril’s entry into Baghdad and the end of Buyid rule, the Seljuks emerged as the principal political force at the center of the Abbasid caliphate. However, unlike their Shi‘i Buyid predecessors, they did not overtly alter the framework of relations with the caliphate. Though some differences can be observed under the reign of later rulers, the need for the caliph’s spiritual legitimacy remained. As with earlier regimes, the Seljuks ensured the legality of their rule through the caliph’s formal approval and the delivery of the Friday sermon (khutba) in their names. Due to his spiritual prestige and influence over the Sunni population, the caliph was regarded as the final arbiter of legitimacy—a status that even the Shi‘i Buyids had to acknowledge. The Seljuks adhered to this principle as well. For example, the way Tughril approached the caliph and conducted their relations closely resembled the behavior of the Buyid ruler Adud al-Dawla. Tughril’s marriage alliance with the caliph—by giving his niece in marriage—was also a symbolic union between religious and political authority. However, a significant departure in Tughril’s conduct was his proposal to marry the caliph’s own daughter. Initially, the caliph opposed this union, but under the pressure of Tughril’s military and political power, the marriage ultimately took place.[44]

Marriage to the Caliph’s Daughter

Tughril’s wife passed away in the city of Zanjan and was buried in Rayy. Following this event, Tughril instructed Abu Sa‘id, who had been sent to Rayy, to convey to the caliph his desire to marry either his daughter or his sister. Although sources differ on the precise details of this episode, there is general agreement that the caliph initially opposed this request.[137][140]

This opposition stemmed from the unprecedented nature of a caliphal daughter being married to a sultan—a situation without prior example. Upon hearing of the proposal, the caliph became angered and, through his envoy Abu Muhammad al-Tamimi, offered Tughril two options: either abandon the marriage proposal, send the caliph 300,000 dinars, and surrender the revenues of Wasit and its surrounding areas; or forget the idea of marriage altogether. At first, Tughril decided to reject the offer. However, as al-Kunduri informed him, such a refusal might be interpreted as a sign of weakness. Consequently, Tughril opted to formally accept the caliph’s proposal.[141]

To this end, al-Kunduri, accompanied by Arslan Khatun—the wife of the caliph—went to the caliphal court, carrying numerous gifts and ornaments. After presenting Tughril’s gifts, Arslan Khatun informed the caliph that Tughril had accepted some of his conditions, while rejecting others. The caliph, displeased by this selective acceptance, chose not to respond and expressed his dissatisfaction. He even threatened to leave Baghdad if Tughril did not abandon the marriage proposal. At this point, the caliph ordered that his camp be relocated to the Nahrawan region. Nevertheless, senior figures at court warned the caliph of the potential consequences of such an action. The vizier Ibn Daris hosted a banquet for al-Kunduri in an attempt to defuse the tension.[141]

The caliph’s displeasure arose mainly from Arslan Khatun's report that Tughril had not fully accepted the caliph’s conditions. After al-Kunduri failed to appease the caliph, Tughril departed for Hamadan. Upon learning of the situation, he wrote to the elders of the caliphate, complaining about the caliph’s lack of gratitude for his services. He also requested the return of his niece Arslan Khatun, who had been married to the caliph. Following this, al-Kunduri halted the payment of salaries to the caliph’s household. As a result, the caliph was forced to concede and approved Tughril’s marriage proposal under pressure. He sent a letter granting permission for the marriage.[141]

As a result of these developments, the marriage contract between Tughril and the caliph’s daughter was concluded in 1062 on the outskirts of Tabriz. Tughril sent numerous gifts to the caliph, his daughter, and other members of the caliphal family. Most sources report that the dowry (mahr) of the caliph’s daughter (or possibly his sister) mirrored that of Prophet Muhammad’s daughter Fatima, consisting of 400 silver dirhams and one gold dinar. In 1061, after Tughril departed for the South Caucasus, Kunduri proposed to the caliph that the marriage ceremony be performed. The caliph, however, referred to the written commitments previously made by Kunduri, asserting that the marriage was intended solely to increase Tughril’s political prestige and that no conjugal cohabitation was envisaged. If Tughril wished to see his wife, the caliph stated he could receive her within the palace. In 1062, Tughril went to the caliphal palace in Baghdad to visit the caliph’s daughter, bringing many gifts. However, the bride did not greet him, nor did she unveil herself in his presence. Despite this, Tughril continued to visit her several times and treated her kindly, but his efforts bore no fruit. Ultimately, in 1061, Tughril decided to return to Rayy. He severed ties with the caliph and suspended his stipend. In response, the caliph sent his daughter, along with the Chief Judge (Qadi al-Qudat) of Baghdad, to Tabriz. Tughril welcomed his bride in Tabriz, decorated the city, and presented lavish gifts. The marriage ceremony was conducted by the Chief Judge.[142][143][14][39][119][139]

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Death

Tughril set out for the city of Rayy with the intention of holding his marriage ceremony there. However, he fell ill near Rayy. Due to the hot weather, he stayed in the village of Tajrish, which had a cooler climate. A few days later, in the month of Ramadan in the year 455 AH (1063), after a 26-year reign and at the age of 70, Tughril passed away before the marriage could take place. He was buried in Rayy, in the Tughril Tower.[144][122][145][39][119][146]

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Family

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One of his wives was Altun Jan Khatun, a Turk of Khwarazmian origin. She had previously been married to Amirshah Malik and had a son named Anushirvan from that marriage. Her union with Tughril likely took place around 1043.[147] Altun Jan Khatun died in December 1060.[148] Another of his wives was Akka Khatun. After Tughril’s death, she married Alp Arslan.[149] He also married the daughter of Abu Kalijar. This marriage occurred around 1047–1048.[150] Another of his wives was Farrokh al-Khatun, the widow of Tughril’s brother Chaghri Beg and the mother of his son Suleiman.[151] She married Tughril after Chaghri Beg’s death in 1060.[152]

Another wife of Tughril was Sayyida Khatun, the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph al-Qa’im. In 1061, Tughril sent the qadi of Rayy as an envoy to Baghdad to seek her hand in marriage.[153] The marriage contract was concluded near Tabriz in August–September 1062, with a dowry set at 100,000 dinars.[154] She was brought to the sultan’s palace in March–April 1063.[155] After Tughril’s death, Alp Arslan sent her back to Baghdad in 1064.[155] In 1094, Caliph al-Mustazhir expelled her from the palace and forced her to reside in a private home, as she was suspected of being involved in conspiracies against the caliph.[156][157] Sayyida Khatun died on October 20, 1102.[9]



Mas'ud, after having returned to Khorasan, expelled the Seljuks from Herat and Nishapur. He soon marched towards Merv to completely remove the Seljuk threat from Khorasan. His army included 50,000 men and 12 to 60 war elephants.

The Battle of Dandanaqan shortly took place near Merv, where the army of Mas'ud was defeated by a smaller army under Tughril, his brother Chaghri Beg, and the Kakuyid prince Faramurz. Mas'ud thus permanently lost control of all of western Khorasan. This victory marked the foundation of the Seljuk Empire, which was now rapidly expanding west.

Tughril then installed Chagri as the governor of Khorasan and prevented a Ghaznavid reconquest, then moved on to the conquest of the Iranian plateau from 1040 to 1044; in 1041–1042, Tughril conquered Tabaristan and Gurgan, and appointed a certain Mardavij ibn Bishui as the governor of the region. In 1042/3, he conquered Ray and Qazvin, and at the same his suzerainty was acknowledged by the Justanid ruler of Daylam.[158] The Sallarid ruler of Shamiran also shortly acknowledged his overlordship.[159] In 1054, Tughril forced the Rawadid ruler of Azerbaijan, Abu Mansur Wahsudan, to acknowledge his authority. Tughril's name was placed in the khutba (Friday prayer), while a son of Wahsudan, possibly Abu'l-Hayja Manuchihr, was sent as a Seljuk hostage to Khurasan.[160][161] In the same year, Tughril's forces were contending in Anatolia with the Byzantines.

In 1055 he was commissioned by the Abbasid Caliph Al-Qa'im to recapture Baghdad from the Buyids.[162] A revolt by Turcoman forces under his foster brother İbrahim Yinal and the efforts of Buyid forces led to the loss of the city to the Fatimid Caliph in 1058. Two years later Tughril crushed the rebellion, personally strangling İbrahim with his bowstring and entered Baghdad. He then married the daughter of the Abbasid Caliph near the city of Tabriz.[163]

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Government Structure

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Means of Gaining Legitimacy

According to Maryam Muezzzi and Sümeyye Shaban, throughout the centuries, ruling states employed various strategies to establish their legitimacy, which enabled them to gain popular acceptance and maintain political continuity. In pre-Seljuk periods, one of the most common methods of legitimization was for rulers and elites to associate themselves with ancient kings or their commanders, often by fabricating genealogies. Through such means, they sought to secure legal and moral grounds for their authority. However, Tughril Beg employed several alternative methods to gain legitimacy and, as a result, succeeded in establishing a long-lasting and sustainable political authority. These methods can be summarized as follows:[164]

Securing the Endorsement of Contemporary Legal Scholars It may be argued that Tughril’s first step toward legitimization was to gain the approval of the fuqaha (Islamic jurists). This phase was generally realized through a model known as “sovereignty through emirate.” According to the recognized legitimization model of that time, states would seize territories by military force, and the caliphate, in the interest of preserving social order and unity, would recognize these states and grant them legitimacy. As such, all military leaders and rulers who had achieved victories were considered to have secured preliminary approval from the caliphate. If they abided by religious law, preserved the caliph’s authority, and fairly collected religious taxes, they were supported by the jurists.[164]

Obtaining Formal Recognition from the Caliphate Following endorsement from religious scholars, Tughril sought the approval and favor of the caliph himself. He showed deference to the caliph, rescued him from the pressures of the Buyids and Arslan, and offered material support. In doing so, Tughril managed to receive an official recognition of his government directly from the caliph. He clearly understood that the vast majority of the population adhered to the Sunni tradition, and thus the caliph’s religious authority held significant weight. These actions led to a warming of relations with the Abbasid caliph and resulted in official recognition.[164]

Gaining Popular Support Tughril subsequently sought to earn the support of influential figures, scholars, and the leading strata of society. He regularly met with such individuals, treated their opinions with respect, and considered their advice in political matters. He appointed some of them to his advisory council and involved them in the administrative process. For instance, even though Abu’l-Hasan al-Mawardi had plotted against him, Tughril forgave and received him with honor. He also showed special reverence to prominent figures such as Baba Tahir. According to Moazzi and Shaban, Tughril undertook all these actions out of a deep understanding of the societal influence of such individuals.[164]

Fulfilling Religious Duties One of the key steps Tughril took toward legitimacy was to foreground religious values, remain committed to acts of worship, and present himself as a ruler aligned with Islamic ideals. He was attentive to core religious practices such as prayer and fasting, performed recommended acts like giving alms, and commissioned the construction of new mosques. Tughril sought to portray himself as a servant of religion. Moreover, during conflicts with the Byzantine Empire, he referred to his campaigns as ghazawat (holy expeditions). On one such campaign, he captured a Byzantine vassal and later pardoned him. In return for this clemency, the vassal undertook initiatives beneficial to Muslims, such as renovating mosques and facilitating prayer in his territory. Such actions further reinforced Tughril’s legitimacy within the Muslim community, culminating in his name being included in the Friday sermon (khutbah) and peace treaties being concluded in his name.[164]

Securing the Favor of the Sunni Majority In order to win the favor of the predominantly Sunni Muslim population, Tughril implemented strict policies against other sects and religions. He exerted pressure on Shiites, prohibited the use of the Shiite call to prayer phrase “Hayya 'ala khayr al-'amal” and enforced the use of Sunni expressions instead. In particular, he targeted Ismaili Shiites. Later, he also implemented harsh measures against Zoroastrians and Christians, removing them from key governmental positions and favoring Sunni Muslims, especially adherents of the Shafi‘i and Hanbali schools of thought.[164]

Divine Illumination (Farreh-i Izadi) Tughril understood the importance of appealing to the ancient political and religious beliefs of the people in order to establish rule over them. He portrayed his accession to power as a divine favor bestowed by God and the Prophet, claiming that he had seen the Prophet in a dream, who had conveyed divine approval for his reign. He attempted to support this claim with verses from the Qur’an. These efforts led to his perception by the people as a ruler endowed with supernatural qualities, and he came to be recognized as possessing the Farreh-i Izadi (Divine Radiance). Tughril portrayed the Ghaznavid ruler Mas‘ud as a wine-obsessed and pleasure-seeking figure, devoid of spiritual leadership. The prevailing belief at the time — that a ruler without divine radiance was doomed to fail — harmonized with the cultural emphasis on destiny (qismat). As such, Mas‘ud’s defeat by Tughril was interpreted by the public as the result of his estrangement from divine favor, which in turn further solidified Tughril’s legitimacy.[164]



Military Structure

As the leader of Turcoman tribes, Tughril relied on the military power of mounted archers who had grown up in the steppes of Central Asia, learning horseback riding and archery as part of their nomadic lifestyle of herding and hunting. Compared to the armed forces of sedentary states, these warriors held clear advantages. They were relatively easy to mobilize and required fewer resources. No sedentary state at the time could rival their speed and flexibility in deploying such mobile units. The bows they used were superior to all pre-firearm weapons in terms of precision, range, penetrative power, and shooting speed. However, these warriors only obeyed the Khan’s command on the battlefield and, based on tribal traditions, did not recognize the authority of even the most powerful ruler outside of war. As a result, many of them did not willingly accept Tughril’s sovereignty, and this lack of centralized control became both an embarrassing and challenging situation for Tughril and other Seljuk rulers.[165]

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Personal Character

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Personal Traits

The opinions of historical sources regarding the character of rulers cannot always be considered fully reliable; however, repetition of certain attributes may indicate a degree of truth. In the work "Zubdat al-Tawarikh," Tughril was described as brave, patient, generous, consistently devoted to worship, regular in Friday prayers, and fasting on Mondays and Thursdays. He is portrayed as possessing high moral character, extremely tolerant, measured in speech, eager to show generosity, and enthusiastic about constructing mosques. Tughril is noted to have followed the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence. Furthermore, sources state that he showed restraint before the famous jurist Ali ibn Muhammad, also known as al-Mawardi, even after obtaining a letter that Mawardi had written against him to the Caliph. Tughril treated him with respect. It is also reported that Tughril turned a blind eye when one of his close officials revealed his secrets to the Buyid emir Abu Kalijar. Muhammad ibn Ali al-Rawandi narrates a meeting between Tughril and the famous Sufi poet Baba Tahir, who addressed him: [166][146]

Ey Turk, how will you treat the servants of God?" Tughril replied, "I will do what you command." Baba Tahir answered, "Do what God commands." Tughril, moved to tears, responded, "I shall do so." Al-Rawandi further emphasizes Tughril’s religiosity, noting that his faith and religious conviction were so strong that no one surpassed him in piety and alertness in the religion of Muhammad (peace be upon him).

In the work "Manzaratu’l-Insan," Tughril was described as gentle, generous, and consistently praying with the people. He fasted on Mondays and Thursdays, gave charity, and built mosques. Bandari writes about Tughril and his rule:[166]

During his reign, the country resembled a blooming garden. He disliked bloodshed and avoided giving such orders.[166]

However, Ibn al-Athir cites a letter sent by Chaghri Beg to Tughril criticizing the devastation caused by Tughril’s conquests. Chaghri Beg reminded him of their past hardships and advised against such behavior. In his reply, Tughril pointed out the dilapidated state of the Khorasan territories under Chaghri's control and explained that military necessities made such measures unavoidable. While listing many of Tughril’s virtues, Ibn al-Athir also describes him as oppressive, ruthless, and cold-hearted. He notes that Tughril’s army often plundered people's property and was engaged in looting day and night.[166][146]

Faruk Sümer comments on Tughril’s character as follows:[167]

Sources present Tughril Beg as a ruler who disliked bloodshed, was merciful, noble in conduct, forgiving of mistakes, patient, humble, generous, honest, and pious. Imad al-Din al-Isfahani compares his reign to blooming gardens. His main goals were to secure the pilgrimage routes and to end the Fatimid state to unify the Islamic world. He worked hard to convey that looting was not a sustainable way of life. He became so furious at Chaghri Beg’s insistence on the plunder of Nishapur that he threatened to kill himself if it continued. Despite spending much of his time in warfare, he also focused on development, commissioning mosques and madrasas in cities like Nishapur, Rayy, Isfahan, and Baghdad.

Tughril was praised by many poets and literary figures. Fakhr al-Din As’ad Gurgani wrote a eulogy for him in the introduction of his work "Vis and Ramin," and Ibn Hassul presented his work "Kitab Tafdil al-Atrak ‘ala sa’ir al-ajnad" to be read to Tughril by Amid al-Mulk Kunduri. Between 1040 and 1060, gold coins were minted in Nishapur in his name, many of which refer to him as "al-Sultan al-Muazzam."

Some of the titles and epithets used for Tughril in documents and coins include: al-Amir al-Jalil, Rukn al-Dawla wa’l-Din, Yamin Amir al-Mu’minin, Malik al-Islam wa’l-Muslimin, Burhan Amir al-Mu’minin, Shahanshah, Malik al-Mashriq wa’l-Maghrib, Ghiyath al-Muslimin, Mugheeth ‘Ibad Allah. Tughril’s official motto (tawqi) was "I‘timadi ‘ala Allah" (My trust is in God).


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Legacy

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Coin of Tughril

Sultan Tughril was undoubtedly a military genius. Though his military campaigns inflicted serious damage on the productive forces of many conquered states, they paved the way for the establishment of the first powerful medieval empire of the Turks that linked "the East and the West".[168] The formation of a vast empire objectively led to important changes in socio-economic, political and cultural life. The role of the landowning aristocracy markedly increased. Gradually, a new apparatus of state administration and an imperial system of civil and military administration took shape.

Tughril's conquests had an impact on the lives of not only the people of annexed states, but also the nomads themselves, who participated in the establishment of the new state. Noticeable changes in the life of the Oguz-Turkmen tribes occurred as they settled in Khorasan, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Transcaucasia and Asia Minor.[168] The transition of compact groups of nomads to a semi-settled and sedentary life and agriculture took place. The old tribal ties broke up; feudal relations received a new incentive for further development, although remnants of archaic institutions remained for a long time. The Seljuk nobility began to gradually merge with the feudal aristocracy of the conquered lands.

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Notes

  1. King of the East and the West
  2. The Pillar of State
  3. King of Kings

References

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