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April 2019 Spanish general election
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A general election was held in Spain on Sunday, 28 April 2019, to elect the members of the 13th Cortes Generales under the Spanish Constitution of 1978. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 266 seats in the Senate. It was held concurrently with the 2019 Valencian regional election.[1]
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Following the 2016 election, the People's Party (PP) formed a minority government with confidence and supply support from Citizens (Cs) and Canarian Coalition (CCa), enabled by the opposition Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) abstaining from Mariano Rajoy's investiture after a party crisis saw the ousting of Pedro Sánchez as leader. Rajoy's second term in office was undermined by a constitutional crisis over the Catalan independence issue and the outcome of a regional election held thereafter, coupled with corruption scandals, the 2018 Spanish women's strike and pensioners' protests demanding pension hikes. In May 2018, the National Court found that the PP had profited from the kickbacks-for-contracts scheme in the Gürtel case and confirmed the existence of an illegal accounting and funding structure. Sánchez, who had been re-elected as PSOE leader in a party primary in 2017, brought down Rajoy's government through a motion of no confidence on 1 June 2018. Rajoy subsequently resigned as PP leader, being succeeded by Pablo Casado after a face-off with Rajoy's deputy, Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, in a leadership contest in July.
Presiding over a minority government of 84 deputies, Pedro Sánchez struggled to maintain a working majority in the Congress with the support of the parties that had backed the no-confidence motion. The 2018 Andalusian regional election, which saw a strong performance of the far-right Vox party, resulted in the PSOE losing the regional government for the first time in history to a PP–Cs–Vox alliance. After the 2019 General State Budget was voted down in the Congress as a result of Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) siding against the government, Sánchez called a snap election to be held on 28 April, one month ahead of the "Super Sunday" of local, regional, and European Parliament elections scheduled for 26 May.
On a voter turnout of 71.8%, Sánchez's PSOE won a victory—the first for the party in a nationwide election in eleven years—with an improvement of 38 seats over its previous mark which mostly came at the expense of left-wing Unidas Podemos. The PSOE also became the largest party in the Senate for the first time since 1995, winning its first absolute majority of seats in that chamber since the 1989 election.[2] The PP under Casado was reduced to 66 seats and 16.7% of the vote in what was dubbed the worst electoral setback for a major Spanish party since the collapse of the Union of the Democratic Centre (UCD) in 1982,[3] and which was blamed to the party's shift to the right during the campaign.[4] Cs saw an increase of support which brought them within striking distance of the PP, overcoming the latter in several major regions. The far-right Vox party entered Congress for the first time, but it failed to fulfill opinion polling expectations. The three-way split in the overall right-of-centre vote not only ended any chance of an Andalusian-inspired right-wing alliance, but it also ensured that Sánchez's PSOE would be the only party that could realistically form a government.[5][6]
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Background
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The 2016 general election had seen the People's Party (PP) gaining votes and seats relative to the 2015 election, with Mariano Rajoy securing the support of Albert Rivera's Citizens (Cs) and Canarian Coalition (CCa) for his investiture, but this was still not enough to assure him re-election as prime minister.[7] Criticism on Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) leader Pedro Sánchez for his electoral performance and his stance opposing Rajoy's investiture, said to be a contributing factor to the country's political deadlock, reached boiling point after poor showings in the Basque and Galician regional elections in September 2016.[8] A PSOE crisis ensued in which Sánchez was ousted and a caretaker committee was appointed by party rebels led by Andalusian president Susana Díaz,[9][10][11] who subsequently set out to abstain in Rajoy's investiture, allowing the formation of a PP minority government and preventing a third election in a row.[12] Díaz's bid to become new party leader was defeated in a primary in May 2017, with Sánchez being voted again into office under a platform focused on criticising the PSOE's abstention to Rajoy.[13][14]
Throughout 2017, the ruling PP found itself embroiled in a new string of scandals which saw the political demise of former Madrilenian president Esperanza Aguirre—amid claims of a corruption plot staged by former protégés Francisco Granados and Ignacio González (the Púnica and Lezo cases)—as well as accusations of judicial meddling and political cover-up.[15][16][17][18] This prompted left-wing Unidos Podemos under Pablo Iglesias to table a no-confidence motion in June 2017;[19][20] while the motion was voted down due to a lack of support from other opposition parties, it revealed the parliamentary weakness of Rajoy's government as abstentions and favourable votes amounted to 179, to just 170 votes rejecting it.[21][22]
Pressure on the Spanish government increased after a major constitutional crisis unravelled in Catalonia over the issue of an independence referendum.[23] Initial actions from the regional parliament to approve two bills supporting a referendum and a legal framework for an independent Catalan state were suspended by the Constitutional Court, while the government's crackdown on referendum preparations—which included police searches, raids and arrests of Catalan government officials as well as an intervention into Catalan finances—sparked public outcry and protests accusing the PP government of "anti-democratic and totalitarian" repression.[24][25][26] After the referendum was held on 1 October 2017, the Catalan parliament voted to unilaterally declare independence from Spain,[27] which resulted in the Spanish Senate enforcing direct rule over Catalonia and removing the regional authorities.[28][29][30] Catalan president Carles Puigdemont and part of his cabinet fled to Belgium after being ousted, facing charges of sedition, rebellion and embezzlement.[31][32][33] Rajoy immediately dissolved the Catalan parliament and called a regional election for 21 December 2017,[34] but it saw his party being severely mauled as Cs capitalised on anti-independence support in the region.[35]
The outcome of the Catalan election had an impact on national politics, with Cs rising to first place nationally in subsequent opinion polls, endangering PP's position as the dominant party within the Spanish centre-right spectrum.[36][37][38][39] The standing of Rajoy's government was further undermined by the success of the 2018 Spanish women's strike on International Women's Day (fueled by public outcry at media cases such the La Manada gang rape and the La Manada sex abuse case of Pozoblanco);[40][41] by protests by pensioners' groups—long regarded as a key component of the PP's electoral base—demanding pension hikes;[42][43] as well as by a scandal over the alleged fraudulent acquisition of a master's degree from the King Juan Carlos University by Madrilenian president Cristina Cifuentes,[44] which escalated further after the unveiling of a plot to cover-up the scandal through the forgery of public instruments.[45][46] Rajoy forced Cifuentes's resignation on 25 April 2018, following the release of a 2011 video that showed her being detained in a supermarket for shoplifting.[47][48]
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On 24 May 2018, the National Court found that the PP had profited from the illegal kickbacks-for-contracts scheme of the Gürtel case, confirming the existence of an illegal accounting and funding structure that had run in parallel with the party's official one since 1989, ruling that the PP helped establish "a genuine and effective system of institutional corruption through the manipulation of nationwide, regional and local public procurement".[49] This event prompted the PSOE to submit a motion of no confidence in Rajoy, as well as in Cs withdrawing its support from the government and demanding the immediate calling of an early election.[50][51] An absolute majority of 180 MPs in the Congress of Deputies voted to oust Mariano Rajoy from power on 1 June 2018, with PSOE's Pedro Sánchez replacing him as prime minister.[52] On 5 June, Rajoy announced his farewell from politics and his return to his position as property registrar in Santa Pola,[53][54][55] also vacating his Congress seat.[56] A leadership contest was triggered in which the party's communication deputy secretary-general Pablo Casado defeated former deputy prime minister Soraya Sáenz de Santamaría, becoming new PP president on 21 July 2018.[57]
For most of his first tenure, Sánchez's minority government—commanding just 84 out of 350 deputies in the Congress—was reliant on confidence and supply support from Unidos Podemos and New Canaries (NCa), negotiating additional support from Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) and the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) on an issue-by-issue basis.[58] Sánchez's attempts to distance himself from corruption scandals during Rajoy's government saw the resignations of two ministers: Màxim Huerta (Culture), after just seven days in office, over revelations that he had committed tax fraud through shell companies in 2006–2008;[59] and Carmen Montón (Health) in September 2018, over the unveiling of several past irregularities—including plagiarism, manipulated grades and lack of class attendance—in his master's degree at the King Juan Carlos University,[60] but not before being able to restore the right to universal health care for all Spanish citizens and foreign residents (reversing a decision by the previous government to exclude undocumented migrants from access to the Spanish National Health System).[61] Amid Sánchez's attempts at reconciliation with Catalan authorities under new regional president Quim Torra,[62][63] his party lost the Andalusian government at the December 2018 regional election—after 36 years in power—to a right-wing alliance supported by the far-right Vox party, which for the first time secured parliamentary representation in Spain.[64][65]
ERC, PDeCAT and En Marea withdrew their support from the government on 13 February 2019 by voting down that year's General State Budget; this, together with the perceived failure of a street protest strategy by PP, Cs and Vox against the government's appeasement policy to Catalan parties,[66][67] prompted Sánchez to dissolve parliament and call a snap election for 28 April.[68][69]
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Overview
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Under the 1978 Constitution, the Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system.[70][71] The Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a prime minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes.[72] Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a limited number of functions—such as ratification of international treaties, authorization of collaboration agreements between autonomous communities, enforcement of direct rule, regulation of interterritorial compensation funds, and its role in constitutional amendment and in the appointment of members to the Constitutional Court and the General Council of the Judiciary—which were not subject to the Congress's override.[73]
Electoral system
Voting for each chamber of the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age and in full enjoyment of their political rights, provided that they were not sentenced—by a final court ruling—to deprivation of the right to vote.[74][75] Additionally, Spaniards abroad were required to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote (Spanish: Voto rogado).[76][77]
The Congress of Deputies was entitled to a minimum of 300 and a maximum of 400 seats, with the electoral law setting its size at 350. 348 members were elected in 50 multi-member constituencies—corresponding to the provinces of Spain, with each being allocated an initial minimum of two seats and the remaining 248 being distributed in proportion to their populations—using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional voting system, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes (which included blank ballots) being applied in each constituency. The two remaining seats were allocated to Ceuta and Melilla as single-member districts and elected using plurality voting.[78][79] The use of the electoral method resulted in a higher effective threshold based on the district magnitude and the distribution of votes among candidacies.[80]
As a result of the aforementioned allocation, each Congress multi-member constituency was entitled the following seats:[81]
208 seats in the Senate were elected using an open list partial block voting system: in constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; in those with two or three seats, for up to two candidates; and for one candidate in single-member districts. Each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger (Mallorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife) being allocated three seats each, and the smaller (Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma) one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants.[82][83][84]
The law did not provide for by-elections to fill vacated seats; instead, any vacancies that occurred after the proclamation of candidates and into the legislative term were to be covered by the successive candidates in the list and, when required, by the designated substitutes.[85]
Eligibility
Spanish citizens of age and with the legal capacity to vote could run for election, provided that they were not sentenced to imprisonment by a final court ruling nor convicted, even if by a non-final ruling, to forfeiture of eligibility or to specific disqualification or suspension from public office under particular offences: rebellion, terrorism or other crimes against the state. Other causes of ineligibility were imposed on the following officials:[86][87]
- Members of the Spanish royal family and their spouses;
- The holders of a number of positions: the president and members of the Constitutional Court, the General Council of the Judiciary, the Supreme Court, the Council of State, the Court of Auditors and the Economic and Social Council; the Ombudsman; the State's Attorney General; high-ranking members—undersecretaries, secretaries-general, directors-general and chiefs of staff—of Spanish government departments, the Office of the Prime Minister, the Social Security and other government agencies; government delegates and sub-delegates in the autonomous communities; the chair of RTVE; the director of the Electoral Register Office; the governor and deputy governor of the Bank of Spain; the chairs of the Official Credit Institute and other official credit institutions; and members of electoral commissions and of the Nuclear Safety Council;
- Heads of diplomatic missions in foreign states or international organizations (ambassadors and plenipotentiaries);
- Judges and public prosecutors in active service;
- Personnel of the Armed Forces (Army, Navy and Air Force) and law enforcement corps in active service.
Other causes of ineligibility for both chambers were imposed on a number of territorial-level officers in the aforementioned categories—during their tenure of office—in constituencies within the whole or part of their respective area of jurisdiction, as well as employees of foreign states and members of regional governments.[86][87] Incompatibility provisions extended to the president of the National Commission on Markets and Competition; members of RTVE's board and of the offices of the prime minister, the ministers and the secretaries of state; government delegates in port authorities, hydrographic confederations and toll highway concessionary companies; presidents and other high-ranking members of public entities, state monopolies, companies with majority public participation and public saving banks; deputies and senators elected on candidacies subsequently declared illegal by a final court ruling; as well as the impossibility of simultaneously holding the positions of deputy and senator or regional legislator.[88]
The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant electoral commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties, federations or coalitions that had not obtained a mandate in either chamber of the Cortes at the preceding election were required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of electors in the aforementioned constituencies.[89] Additionally, a balanced composition of men and women was required in the lists of candidates, so that candidates of either sex made up at least 40 percent of the total composition.[90]
After the experience of the 2015–2016 political deadlock leading to the June 2016 election and the possibility of a third election being needed, the electoral law was amended in order to introduce a special, simplified process for election re-runs, including a shortening of deadlines, electoral campaigning, the lifting of signature requirements if these had been already met for the immediately previous election and the possibility of maintaining lists and coalitions without needing to go through pre-election procedures again.[91]
Election date
The term of each chamber of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier.[92] The election decree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official State Gazette (BOE), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication.[93] The previous election was held on 26 June 2016, which meant that the chambers' terms would have expired on 26 June 2020. The election decree was required to be published in the BOE no later than 2 June 2020, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible date for election day on Sunday, 26 July 2020.
The prime minister had the prerogative to propose the monarch to dissolve both chambers at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since the previous one.[94] Additionally, both chambers were to be dissolved and a new election called if an investiture process failed to elect a prime minister within a two-month period from the first ballot.[95] Barring this exception, there was no constitutional requirement for simultaneous elections to the Congress and the Senate. Still, as of 2025, there has been no precedent of separate elections taking place under the 1978 Constitution.
Speculation about the election date began immediately after the 2016 election over the high probability that government negotiations could fail, to the point that both PP and PSOE began pushing for a legal reform that would prevent a hypothetical third election from being held on Christmas Day.[96][97][98] While the government formation process was ultimately successful, the electoral law was amended to provide for a shorter campaign period, among other simplification measures.[99]
In November 2016, a mere two weeks after Rajoy's re-election as prime minister, Spanish newspaper El Mundo hinted at him planning to call a snap election if he could not approve the state budget for the next year,[100] but this claim was quickly dismissed by the government,[101] and was ultimately superseded by the budget being approved in June 2017.[102] Following Pedro Sánchez's re-election as PSOE leader in May 2017, Rajoy rejected that this changed his government's situation and again ruled out an early election.[103] The tabling of a no-confidence motion in May 2018 was said to have moved Rajoy into considering a snap election to be called either for early 2019 or concurrently with the local, regional and European Parliament elections in a "Super Sunday" on 26 May 2019, but this possibility disappeared following Rajoy being voted out from office.[104][105]
During the events leading up to the 2018 no-confidence vote, an early election was proposed by both PSOE's Sánchez—not before establishing a "transitional government" that would ensure the country's "governance" and recover "democratic normality"[106][107]—and Cs's Albert Rivera.[108] Sánchez temporarily changed his plans following his appointment, with him stating his will to finalise the legislative term and call the election when due in 2020.[109][110] However, these plans changed again after the 2019 budget was voted down in the Congress on 13 February 2019, when it was announced that Sánchez would be calling a snap election for either 14 or 28 April, avoiding both the Holy Week holidays and a "Super Sunday" that PSOE regional leaders rejected.[111][112][113] Sánchez confirmed the election date of 28 April in an institutional statement following a Council of Ministers meeting on 15 February.[114][115] The Cortes Generales were officially dissolved on 5 March 2019 after the publication of the dissolution decree in the BOE, setting the election date for 28 April and scheduling for both chambers to reconvene on 21 May.[81]
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Parliamentary composition
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The tables below show the composition of the parliamentary groups in both chambers at the time of dissolution.[116][117]
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Parties and candidates
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Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which contested the election:
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Two opposing coalitions were formed in Navarre at different levels: for the Senate, Geroa Bai, EH Bildu, Podemos and Izquierda-Ezkerra re-created the Cambio/Aldaketa alliance under which they had already contested the 2015 general election.[134] Concurrently, the Navarrese People's Union (UPN), Cs and the PP formed the Navarra Suma alliance for both Congress and Senate elections.[137] In Galicia, En Marea, the former Podemos–EU–Anova alliance which had been constituted as a party in 2016, broke away from the creator parties and announced that it would contest the election on its own.[138][139] Podemos, EU and Equo in Galicia formed a regional branch for the Unidas Podemos alliance branded En Común–Unidas Podemos[140] whereas Anova chose to step out from the election race.[141] In the Balearic Islands, an alliance was formed for the Congress election by More for Majorca (Més), More for Menorca (MpM), Now Eivissa (Ara Eivissa) and Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), named Veus Progressistes;[142] for the Senate election, the alliance was styled as Unidas Podemos Veus Progressistes and included Podemos and IU.[143]
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Timetable
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The key dates are listed below (all times are CET. The Canary Islands used WET (UTC+0) instead):[144]
- 4 March: The election decree is issued with the countersign of the Prime Minister after deliberation in the Council of Ministers, ratified by the King.[81]
- 5 March: Formal dissolution of the Cortes Generales and beginning of a suspension period of events for the inauguration of public works, services or projects.
- 8 March: Initial constitution of provincial and zone electoral commissions.
- 15 March: Deadline for parties and federations intending to enter into a coalition to inform the relevant electoral commission.
- 25 March: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions, and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates to the relevant electoral commission.
- 27 March: Submitted lists of candidates are provisionally published in the Official State Gazette (BOE).
- 30 March: Deadline for citizens entered in the Register of Absent Electors Residing Abroad (CERA) and for citizens temporarily absent from Spain to apply for voting (extended to 1 April by the Central Electoral Commission).
- 31 March: Deadline for parties, federations, coalitions, and groupings of electors to rectify irregularities in their lists.
- 1 April: Official proclamation of valid submitted lists of candidates.
- 2 April: Proclaimed lists are published in the BOE.
- 12 April: Official start of electoral campaigning.[81]
- 18 April: Deadline to apply for postal voting.
- 23 April: Official start of legal ban on electoral opinion polling publication, dissemination or reproduction and deadline for CERA citizens to vote by mail.
- 24 April: Deadline for postal and temporarily absent voters to issue their votes (extended to 25 April by the Central Electoral Commission).
- 26 April: Last day of official electoral campaigning and deadline for CERA citizens to vote in a ballot box in the relevant consular office or division[81] (extended to 28 April by the Central Electoral Commission).
- 27 April: Official 24-hour ban on political campaigning prior to the general election (reflection day).
- 28 April: Polling day (polling stations open at 9 am and close at 8 pm or once voters present in a queue at/outside the polling station at 8 pm have cast their vote). Provisional counting of votes starts immediately.
- 1 May: General counting of votes, including the counting of CERA votes.
- 4 May: Deadline for the general counting of votes to be carried out by the relevant electoral commission.
- 13 May: Deadline for elected members to be proclaimed by the relevant electoral commission.
- 23 May: Deadline for both chambers of the Cortes Generales to be re-assembled (the election decree determines this date, which for the April 2019 election was set for 21 May).[81]
- 22 June: Final deadline for definitive results to be published in the BOE.
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Campaign
Party slogans
Election debates
- Opinion polls
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Opinion polls
Voter turnout
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The table below shows registered vote turnout on election day without including voters from the Census of Absent-Residents (CERA).
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Results
Congress of Deputies
Senate
Maps
Election results by constituency (Congress).
Vote winner strength by constituency (Congress).
Vote winner strength by autonomous community (Congress).
Elected legislators
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Aftermath
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Outcome
The election resulted in a victory for Pedro Sánchez's Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE)—its first since the 2008 general election—which swept the country and won in most constituencies and regions. The right-wing bloc of PP–Cs–Vox was only able to garner 42.9% of the vote and 147 Congress seats (149 including the Navarra Suma alliance in Navarre) to the 165 seats and 43.0% vote share garnered by the two major left-wing parties, PSOE and Unidas Podemos. Even though the left-wing bloc was still 11 seats short of a majority, the three-way split on the centre-right ensured Sánchez's PSOE would be the only party that could realistically garner enough support from third parties to command a majority in the lower house.[189] The PSOE also obtained an absolute majority of seats in the Senate for the first time since 1989 as the PP vote collapsed.[190] Having initially been allocated 121 senators, it was awarded two additional senators from PP after the counting of CERA votes, the Census of Absent-Residents, namely one for Zamora and one for Segovia.[191]
Support for the People's Party (PP) plummeted and scored the worst result of its history as well as the worst support for any of the party's incarnations since the People's Alliance results in the 1977 and 1979 elections. The PP was only able to remain the most voted party in five constituencies: Ávila, Lugo, Melilla, Ourense and Salamanca; and it was not able to remain the largest party in any region, including Galicia, where it lost to the PSOE for the first time ever in any kind of election.[192][193] Overall, the party lost 3.6 million votes from 2016, with post-election analysis determining that 1.4 million had been lost to Albert Rivera's Citizens party, 1.6 million to far-right Vox, 400,000 to abstentions and a further 300,000 to PSOE.[194]
Scoring below previous expectations throughout the campaign, Vox's result signalled the first time since Blas Piñar's election as a deputy for the National Union coalition in 1979 that a far-right party had won seats in the Spanish Parliament after the country's return to democracy as well as the first time that a far-right party would be able to form a parliamentary group of its own in the Congress of Deputies.[189][195]
After losing more than a half of their seats, the PP sacked Javier Maroto as their campaign manager. Maroto had also failed to hold his seat from Álava in the election, losing it to EH Bildu and signalling the first time since 1979 that the party had not won a seat in the province.[196] Pablo Casado, the PP leader whose right-wing stance and controversial leadership had been labelled by commentators as a "suicide" in light of election results,[197] refused to resign and instead proposed a sudden U-turn of the party back into the centre under pressure from party regional leaders one month ahead of the regional and local elections[198][199] while also raising a hostile profile to both Cs and Vox, attacking them for dividing the vote to the right-of-centre.[200][201]
Government formation
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Notes
- At the time of the election, both Oriol Junqueras and Jordi Sànchez were in preventive detention in Soto del Real (Madrid).
- Total figures include results for En Comú Podem and En Común.
- Results for Unidas Podemos (0.3%, 1 senator), EH Bildu (0.2%, 0 senators) and GBai (0.0%, 0 senators) in the April 2019 Senate election in Navarre.
- Compromís (4 deputies and 1 senator) contested the 2016 election within the A la valenciana alliance.
- This slogan had been initially conceived for the pre-campaign period, but was later used as a secondary slogan throughout the official electoral campaign.
- Denotes a main invitee attending the event.
- Denotes a main invitee not attending the event, sending a surrogate in their place.
- Economic debate.
- "Women's debate".
- Vox's candidate Santiago Abascal had been initially invited, but was excluded after the Central Electoral Commission threatened to suspend the debate on its proposed format, claiming that Vox's presence would breach the proportionality principle under law.[174]
- The percentage of blank ballots is calculated over the official number of valid votes cast, irrespective of the total number of votes shown as a result of adding up the individual results for each party.
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References
Bibliography
External links
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