Jesuits and the Problem of Slavery in Early Modern Japan, Rômulo da Silva Ehalt, 2017. pp. 365-366, "In 1590, the Jesuits published the dialogue entitled De missionum legatorum Iaponensium ad Romanam curiam, which depicted the experiences of the four Japanese boys sent to Europe in 1582. The work was composed in Spanish by Alessandro Valignano and translated to Latin by Duarte de Sande, a Portuguese Jesuit priest living in Macao at the time.1144....The dialogue was mainly a work of fiction – composed between 1588 and 1589, before their arrival in Japan in July of 1590 – and, overall, an idealized version of the embassy....First, it is important to consider the format chosen by the missionaries. As Nina Chordas explains, early modern dialogues were a quasi-fictional genre, in the sense that they insisted on being accepted as an entity “with some agency in the actual, material world”. As a literary genre, the dialogue was the result of a “general distrust of imaginative literature” in the late Renaissance, thus offering an alternative for seducing the rational mind.1151 These texts were, as pointed by Jon R. Snyder, “never transcriptions of conversations or debates that actually occurred (although this is one of their enabling fictions); no unmediated traces of orality can be discovered in dialogue, except in the form of carefully constructed illusion.”1152"
Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Senato, Dispacci, Dispacci degli ambasciatori e residenti, Roma, Filze, Pezzo 19, ff.38rv, 41r。『大日本史料』1、邦訳編 pp.297-300、原文編 pp.257-259。(『世界史のなかの天正遣欧使節』, p.160-162)
Slavery in Medieval Japan, Slavery in Medieval Japan, Thomas Nelson, Monumenta Nipponica, Vol. 59, No. 4 (Winter, 2004), pp. 463-492, "As early as 1555, complaints were made by the Church that Portuguese merchants were taking Japaense slave girls with them back to Portugal and living with them there in sin....Political disunity in Japan, however, together with the difficulty that the Portuguese Crown faced in enforcing its will in the distant Indies, the ready availability of human merchandise, and the profits to be made from the trade meant that the chances were negligible of such a ban actually being enforced. In 1603 and 1605, the citizens of Goa protested against the law, claiming that it was wrong to ban the traffic in slaves who had been legally bought. Eventually, in 1605, King Philip of Spain and Portugal issued a document that was a masterpiece of obfuscation intended both to pacify his critics in Goa demanding the right to take Japanese slaves and the Jesuits, who insisted that the practice be banned."
OKAMOTO Yoshitomo. Jūroku Seiki Nichiō Kōtsūshi no Kenkyū. Tokyo: Kōbunsō, 1936 (revised edition by Rokkō Shobō, 1942 and 1944, and reprint by Hara Shobō, 1969, 1974 and 1980). pp. 728-730
RS Ehalt(2018), p.496-497 "If that is the case, the king had then sent copies of the same order to India at least three times: in 1603, when Aires de Saldanha published it, in 1604, with Martim Afonso de Castro, and in 1605."
COSTA, João Paulo Oliveira e. O Cristianismo no Japão e o Episcopado de D. Luís Cerqueira. PhD thesis. Lisbon: Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 1998, p. 312. Sousa indicates the same letters, but he mistakenly attributed them to Filipe II, Filipe III’s father. See SOUSA, Lúcio de. Escravatura e Diáspora Japonesa nos séculos XVI e XVII. Braga: NICPRI, 2014, p. 298.
RS Ehalt(2018), p.19-20, "After the turn from the sixteenth to the seventeenth century, Filipe II of Portugal (Filipe III of Spain), the second ruler of the Iberian Union, moved by Jesuit requests, attempted to assess Japanese slavery by reenacting the 1571 charter. His policy met much discontent from the Goa population, and a long process of negotiation led to the failure of the Jesuit lobby. We also analyze how the Jesuits dealt with the continuity of the issue of Japanese slavery after the 1598
gathering."